Neo-Eurasianism’s core belief centers on restoring Russia as a dominant power within a multipolar world order. While Dugin’s direct influence on the Kremlin has been widely debated, his ideas have undeniably shaped discussions within Russian political circles. Rather than distancing his movement from pro-Putin entities, Dugin aligns himself with elements of the presidential administration that support a more assertive geopolitical stance (Kipp, 2002, p. 92). In post-Yeltsin Russia, Dugin shifted his approach from revolutionary rhetoric to political pragmatism. He advocated for a "gradual and mild shift of the Russian political elite to Eurasian positions" (Kipp, 2002, p. 100), recognizing that evolutionary change, rather than radical resistance, would better serve his vision. His strategy focused on moving the Kremlin away from Yeltsin’s pro-Western stance toward a distinctly Eurasian one. Thus, a key goal of the neo-Eurasian movement is to influence Russia's political leadership, redirecting its policies toward a Eurasianist framework.

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Dugin’s influence is far-reaching, shaping both Russian military strategies and policy decisions, particularly in framing the "Atlantic" world led by the Unipolar United States as Russia's enemy (Burbank, 2022). His ideological footprint was especially evident in the early stages of the Russian-Ukrainian conflict, where his role in hybrid warfare helped sow dissatisfaction with the Ukrainian government and reinforced the pro-Russian separatist movements in eastern Ukraine (Shekhovtsov, 2017).

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Dugin's involvement dates back to the 2014 conflict in Ukraine, where he maintained contact with insurgent groups like the Donetsk People’s Republic (DPR) and Luhansk People's Republic (LPR) (Fitzpatrick, 2014). He also played a key role in organizing volunteers from Russia to support the DPR which helped to build a network of influence in the region (Lauruelle, 2014). Notably, Dugin even guided separatist leaders, including Ekaterina Gubareva, wife of Pavel Gubarev, the former head of the DPR, during a Skype call, reassuring them of the Kremlin’s backing for their cause (Shynkarenko, 2014).

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Dugin is deeply committed to the project of creating a "New Russia/Novorossiya," as seen by his support for both the DPR and LPR and the current war. He has consistently criticized the Ukrainian government, which he portrays as being influenced by Nazi ideology while rejecting Western hegemony and praising Putin’s defiance of Kyiv and Washington.

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Moreover, Dugin employs a multimedia approach to disseminate his ideas. From appearances on Russian television to interviews with figures like Tucker Carlson, he has cultivated a significant presence both in traditional media and online platforms. He is also reportedly the director of Geopolitika, a Russian journal that vehemently criticizes Western political institutions (Lister & Pennington, 2022).

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Dugin's intellectual approach to geopolitics ties his philosophy of neo-Eurasianism and integrates it into his movement. He combines elements from Heidegger's philosophy, traditionalism, and various sociological theories. Notably, Dugin frames Eurasianism not merely as a political philosophy but as an episteme, an intellectual knowledge.  He believes that Eurasian episteme serves as a cultural symbol, or logo, rooted in a counter position to Western ideologies, ultimately rejecting universal truths (Millerman, 2022). This perspective underscores the overall ideology of neo-Eurasianism, a critical perspective of Western values, including conventional notions of democracy, human rights, and individualism. He attempts to embody a worldview that acknowledges the diverse developmental trajectories of all societies, civilizations, and cultures. 

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Dugin penetrates an idea by persuading his audiences that the Global West exerts substantial influence over international politics (Dugin, 2023). He perceives the West's trajectory as inherently dangerous to diverse cultures and their customs, harboring anxieties that Western impositions will undermine the identities of other groups (Składanowski & Borzęcki, 2018). Dugin is deeply inspired by figures like the Italian philosopher Julius Evola and French intellectual René Guénon, a key figure in the traditionalist school of thought. Both thinkers emphasize esotericism, spirituality, and a staunch critique of modernity, which deeply informs Dugin’s worldview (Shekhovtsov, 2015).

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One important aspect of Dugin's adoption of the traditionalist school is the critique of how liberal societies often view history as a linear progression. He sees countries like the United States tend to interpret the world in a binary way, where civilization supremacy is seen with contemporary norms compared to a past characterized as a hideous reality no one wishes to revisit. Philosophers like Guénon, Evola, Dugin, and the earlier mentioned German Conservatives challenge this notion of history, expressing extreme skepticism towards Enlightenment ideals and rationalism while embracing a more relativistic world perspective. 

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Moreover, neo-Eurasianism embodies thoughts from traditionalism and applies them to his geopolitical advice to political circles and his broader audiences. His advocacy for multipolarity, voiced also by figures like President Putin and China’s leader, Xi Jingping , is evident in his notable work, The Fourth Political Theory (2012), which attempts to chart a course that rejects liberal democracy, fascism, and communism. He does not affiliate himself with any of these political ideologies, which he considers products of modernity. Instead, Dugin positions himself as a representative of traditionalism, advocating for a world that honors diversity in culture, religion, spiritualism, and collectivism. Neo-Eurasianism aims to resist the pressures to conform imposed by dominant powers, particularly criticizing the United States and Western Europe as a threat to global stability, reflecting a dangerous omnipresence of unipolar political actors.