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Insurgency Overview The Boogaloo Movement (whose adherents are referred to as the "Boogaloo Boys", "Boogaloo Bois", or “Boojahideen”) is a loosely-organized American far-right, anti-government, anti-law enforcement movement which also proclaims extremist and accelerationist ideals. Founded on the Internet during the early 2010s, the Boogaloo movement is composed of disparate cells of anti-government militants who call for a second American Civil War (which they often refer to as the "boogaloo" or "boog", and which they often spell "big luau" or "big igloo", prompting their use of Hawaiian patterns as their traditional attire and of an igloo as their symbol and flag) (Pemberton, 2020). History & Foundations Tracing an accurate history of the Boogaloo movement is a difficult task, notably because of how diverse its members' objectives are. The term ‘boogaloo’ was first used in 2012 on white supremacist and far-right message boards, particularly in memes on platforms such as 4chan and Reddit (Evans, 2020). Referencing the 1984 musical Breakin’ 2: Electric Boogaloo, internet users began referring to an imminent Civil War 2: Electric Boogaloo. Its adherents supported the ideal of a future where gun confiscation, continued police brutality, and militarization would lead to a large-scale uprising of the American people against the government (with some going as far as believing that the beginning of this violent uprising should be intentionally accelerated) (ACLED, 2021). The movement grew on platforms such as Facebook, Telegram, Discord, and the fascist web platform “Iron March'' throughout the 2010s (Gunesch & Newhouse, 2020). The Boogaloo garnered the most support in early 2020, galvanized by the death of the Boogaloos’ Facebook group moderator – Duncan Lemp – during a no-knock police raid, as well as by the COVID-19 lockdowns, which they viewed as yet another example of excessive government oversight and tyranny. The death of Duncan Lemp in particular has become a rallying cry for the movement, with the death of one of their own at the hands of law enforcement elevating Lemp to an almost-martyr status. Moreover, slogans such as “his name was Duncan Lemp” and “we are Duncan Lemp” became common ‘boog mantras’ (Sottile, 2020). Today, boog-adjacent online groups count tens of thousands of members, and the Bois’ easily recognizable Hawaiian shirts are mainstays at gun rights, anti-police, and white supremacist marches. Ideology & Objectives The recurring ideological elements that are omnipresent in Boogaloo spaces include calls for armed, violent opposition to governmental authority and the police, and a near-religious veneration of firearms (with calls for completely unrestricted access to guns being the Boojahideen’s main rallying point) (Everytown Research & Policy, 2021). However, outside of these two central values, the Boogaloo movement is far from homogenous (Thompson, 2021). From the very inception of the Boogaloo concept into American political consciousness, there appeared to be two major trains of ideology. On the one hand, certain proponents of the Boogaloo concept called for the new Civil War to be a race war, with the term ‘Boogaloo’ being routinely used in white nationalist and neo-nazi spaces to this day. Others, however, envisioned the Boogaloo as a new American Revolution, uniting people of all races to promote gun rights and stand against the police and other aspects of "Big Government". This belief was notably backed by their alliance with certain anti-authoritarian leftist and black liberation movements, prompting some to incorrectly view the Boogaloo Bois as a left-wing movement (Newton, 2021). This ideological divide has led to ambiguous situations at certain events – such as the Black Lives Matter protests sparked after the death of George Floyd – where Boogaloo Bois found themselves on both sides of the protest (with a member of the group even being killed while peacefully marching at one of these protests). The question of what it is the Boogaloo Boys exactly stand for is made even more complex by the difficulty of finding direct access to Boogaloo talking points and opinions: although openly boog-sympathetic pages used to be rife on mainstream social media, Meta coordinated a large scale takedown of boogaloo content in late 2020, purging Instagram and Facebook of hundreds of pages about this movement, leading the movement’s adherents to resort to less open methods of communication and propagandizing (Beer, 2020). Military Capabilities & Approach to Resistance The Boogaloo movement’s veneration of firearms and its commitment to inciting and participating in violent uprising makes them a relative security threat. Organizing into small-scale, heavily armed local chapters (which often include active or former military personnel and police officers), the Boogaloo remains an extremely disparate movement, mostly organizing impromptu small-scale demonstrations and appearances at other groups’ protests thanks to social media and online forums (ACLED, 2021). However, the ‘Boojahideen’ have also been involved in direct acts of violence. Firstly, some Bois’ behavior at BLM protests (such as their excessive antagonization of the police) has been revealed to be less about solidarity with victims of police brutality, and more about attempting to galvanize the start of the Boogaloo revolt or even to incite violent retribution onto people of color (Gunesch & Newhouse, 2020). In fact, 26% of BLM protests with Boog presence turned violent (compared to only 6% of all BLM protests), and boogaloo members have been arrested at these protests due to their possessions of molotov cocktails and illegal weapons (ACLED, 2021; Price & Sonner, 2020). Boogaloo members have also been prosecuted for several (sometimes deadly) armed attacks on police stations, and a Michigan-based Boogaloo faction even devised a plan to abduct their local governor and overthrow the state government (Burke & Snell, 2020; Hurd, Lightfoot, & Pérez de Acha, 2021). The NCIS have published an official threat awareness message warning governmental and police entities of the danger of this group (NCIS, 2020). Relations & Alliances As of yet, the Boogaloo movement has no official alliances with any domestic or international facets of government. They also very much remain a domestic militia, with a few Boog factions operating in Canada appearing to be the only sign of the movement existing outside of the United States (Public Safety Canada, 2021). Gallery Additional Resources

Insurgency Overview The Coordinadora de Comunidades en Conflicto Arauco-Malleco (Coordinadora Arauco-Malleco), known as CAM, is an active insurgent organization founded in 1998 and currently present in Chile. The primary objective of the organization is the emancipation of the Mapuche people (1), which places them in the context of the wider “Mapuche Conflict” as it is called in Chile and Argentina (2). The group's approaches involve direct action, particularly the sabotaging of forestry equipment and engaging in combat with state authorities, such as the G.O.P.E (Special Police Operations Group). The CAM also strongly defends the territories they claim as their tribal grounds, but are legally owned by landowners or forestry industries. The group is present in four regions of the country: Bio-Bio, Los Lagos, Los Rios and Araucanía, and their actions have been increasing in number since 2010 (3). History & Ideology CAM’s historical context involves the Mapuche Conflict, which can be traced back to the resistance of the Mapuche people during the conquest of Chile by the Spanish. Furthermore, the Mapuche people are amongst the most marginalized and discriminated people in Chile, many of them being part of poor communities (2). The organization formed in 1998 following the split of the CTL (Lafkenche Territorial Coordinator) (4) as an effort to coordinate the actions of the different Mapuche communities present in the Arauco and Malleco zones. During this time, they had no clear ideological background, nor a well-defined approach to resistance, although their fight for the rights of the Mapuche people relied on combating against discriminatory state policies, as well as against the growing development of the forestry industry and the exploitation of their land (5). However, some founding members of the CAM were former far-left militants, henceforth causing the group to rapidly evolve into an armed militant group with a clear and novel ideological framework (4). In 2022, the congress of Chile declared the CAM and other Mapuche organizations as terrorist groups (6). The ideological framework of the CAM was compiled in a document called “El pensamiento emancipatorio de la CAM” (‘the emancipatory theory of the CAM’) written by one of the organization's speakers and founding members – Hector Llaitul. This document states that the main objective of the organization is independence from the Chilean state, and it defines its ideology as ‘Indianist Anti-capitalism’ (1). The CAM consider themselves Indianist because they seek the reconstruction and reconstitution of the Mapuche social reproduction system. They also emphasize that an anti-capitalist approach is fundamental because they uphold that capitalism is a system which is not theirs, which oppresses them, and condemns them to extermination (1). They declare that due to their anti-capitalistic nature, they cannot participate in formal Chilean democratic politics, because turning away from capitalism also inherently means they are separated from what they view as ‘dominant occidental relations’. Consequently, Llaitul also defines the group as anti-systemic (1). Approach to Resistance The CAMs beliefs are that territorial control is the prime foundation for the reconstruction of their political structures and the revitalization of Mapuche economic, social and cultural fabrics. In order to achieve this, the organization engages in two main activities: the sabotage of forestry industry infrastructure and territorial occupation. The groups that are involved in direct action are denominated as ‘Órganos de Resistencia Territorial’ (‘territorial resistance organs’, or ORT). These groups are composed of individuals known as weychafe (1) which means warrior in Mapudungun (the Mapuche language). This denomination is another aspect of the process of reconstitution of the Mapuche culture. The weychafe – organized in ORTs – are involved in direct action. As aforementioned, the main actions of the CAM involve attacks on forestry infrastructure by burning transport trucks, machinery, offices, and also the sabotage of plantations by uprooting recently-planted trees (4). During acts of sabotage, ORT members leave behind messages claiming responsibility for the attacks and simultaneously promoting the Mapuche cause. These messages usually include some form of political demand, such as the liberation of Mapuche political prisoners, although these demands are often omitted by news anchors during coverage of their events (7). However, these demands gain friction as they are often shared by different Mapuche activist groups over social media platforms (8). The other main approach employed by the CAM is trespassing into private land (which may belong to the same forestries or different local landowners) and occupying it. These actions are called ‘recuperaciónes productivas’ (productive recuperations) and consist of occupying the land while also utilizing it. This approach is key to the CAM’s objectives as it concurrently offers a solution to the poverty problem in different communities. After they occupy land, they begin a process of preparing it for the plantation of different crops or, if they are occupying lands that belong to the forestry industry, they use the wood by distributing it or selling it to fund the organization (4)(5). Once the occupation of land begins, the ORT members stay in order to fight the police attempts to evict the Mapuche (1). Alliances & Relations The organization operates in the same region as other mapuche paramilitary groups, one of them being the Weychan Auka Mapu (founded by former CAM members). Although there is no formal alliance between these groups, they don’t interfere with each other and follow similar patterns of action and ideals (4). This signifies that the CAM is sharing its cause and motivations with other similar organizations in the region. Additional Resources

Group Overview The Patriot Front (PF) is a white nationalist and neo-fascist organization which uses traditional fascist imagery conveyed through an ‘Americana’ chic perspective to spread their message (1). As of 2021, they have 42 chapters throughout the United States and are estimated to have around 230 to 300 active members (3). Their group’s leader, Thomas Ryan Rousseau, is based in Dallas, Texas, but travels extensively to the different chapters around the country to participate in the group’s activist actions. The Patriot Front is considered a part of the ‘alt-right’ political subculture in the United States. It uses a top-down discipline structure that is highly regulated by Rousseau, which has provided them with more success and visibility over the past few years, while other groups have struggled (5). Their motto is ‘Life, Liberty, and Victory’. History & Foundations The group was founded in 2017 after the 'Unite the Right' rally in Charlottesville, Virginia, when Rousseau broke off from another white supremacist group – Vanguard America. Rousseau’s dissociation followed internal disagreement amongst members of Vanguard America regarding how to move forward from the issues of their aforementioned rally (5). From that point onwards, the group has been focusing on ‘flash demonstrations’, flier and graffiti campaigns, hand-to-hand combat training, as well as recruitment drives. They have had a number of prominent actions that have given them notoriety and brought awareness to their brand of ‘patriotic fascism’. Their most recent notable event was on June 11th, 2022, when police stopped a Uhaul with 50 members of PF headed to a Pride Event being held in Coeur d’Alene, Idaho. They were found with riot shields, smoke bombs, and other small arms and were arrested on charges of conspiracy to riot (1). On January 21st, 2022, the left-wing website Unicorn Riot gained access to leaked chats, server data, and videos of the Patriot Front which gave an insight into the inner workings of the groups. These leaks revealed how the group trained for riot preparedness, as well as their omni-utilization of racist (notably anti-semetic) language (4). Ideology & Goals The Patriot Front’s primary objective is to establish a white ethno-state through the closure of all borders and the mass deportation of those deemed as ‘non-American’. They view the current republic as a failure of democracy which has specifically let down the white man. In fact – and as they state in their manifesto – "the time of the Republic has passed in America as the system grows too weak to perform its duty. [...] The damage done to this nation and its people will not be fixed if every issue requires the approval and blessing from the dysfunctional American democratic system. Democracy has failed in this once great nation."(2) The group also heavily incorporates anti-semitist ideals within its ideology, as they have used slogans such as “Blood and Soil” (a nationalist slogan which can be traced back to Nazi Germany), and have protested outside of Israili consulates against ‘Zionist influences’ (1). Approach to Resistance The group adopts a non-lethal philosophy, specifically staying away from firearms and tactical firearm training. However, in the background, a number of their members have been caught manufacturing ‘ghost-guns’ – untraceable firearms due to a lack of a serial number – as well as being charged with other weapon-related crimes (3). The group’s general approach to political outreach involves propaganda and compilations of their activities, turning their activism into social media posts and short videos. Most of their activism takes the form of posters, stickers, banners, and graffiti, while also regularly conducting marches a number of times a year. Some of their events which attract the most popularity involve marches with 50 to 150 of their members, all marching in uniforms fitted with a phalanx of altered American flags, as well as with Patriot Front fascist symbols. Its members tend to target minority neighborhoods for their stickering campaigns to increase the provocation of their activities (4). Relations & Alliances The Patriot Front is an organization pushing for completely closed borders, a halt on immigration, an end to foreign wars, and the mass deportation of anyone not born in the United States (1). The members of the Front are also barred from holding membership or positions in other competing right-wing groups (5). In the early days of the organization, they would hold rallies with other groups such as some Daily Stormer book clubs, the Whomsters, or even the Houston Gargoyles. Nonetheless, in recent years, the group has not associated with any others during their rallies, marches, or other activist operations (1). Additional Resources

Insurgency Overview The Ejército de Liberación Nacional (ELN), also known as the National Liberation Army, is a Colombian-based far-left guerrilla group. The group was founded in 1964 by Fabio and Manuel Vasquéz Castaño -- two brothers who prioritised the defence of those who they deemed were victims of economic, political, and other forms of oppression at the hands of the Colombian government (1). The group has been labeled as a terrorist organization not only by Colombia, but also by the United States, the European Union, Canada, and Venezuela's National Assembly (2). The ELN works as an armed resistance against the Colombian State as well as against multinational corporations (2). The ELN uses kidnapping, extortion, bombings, assassinations, and hijackings in order to combat the Colombian state (3). History & Foundations The ELN came to be on July 4th, 1964, after a dangerous period in Colombia's history, a period named “La Violencia”, where over 200,000 deaths occurred as a result of political violence (4). The ELN officially announced its formation on January 7th, 1965, after overrunning a village in Santander named Simacota (5). Many guerilla groups arose in the aftermath of La Violencia, but the ELN is the most powerful and one of the only remaining ones (5). The ELN reached almost 5,000 members in 1999, although membership has declined since 2000. However, the group has grown back to 3,000 members after Venezuelan refugees and ex-Farc Fighters joined the ELN (1). The ELN’s peak was reached in 1999. Its membership was between 4,000 and 5,000 and accumulated around 15,000 supporters. As aforementioned, the ELN would see a decline in the 2000s as the ELN was becoming increasingly less organized as many internal and external conflicts would affect the group. Within the ELN, units began to disobey leader orders and some allied with drug traffickers for their own personal and financial security. US-backed offensives such as the United Self-Defense Forces of Colombia (AUC) and Death to Kidnappers (MAS) targeted leftist groups including the ELN, which caused the group to lose large amounts of territory – especially in the Bolivar Province as well as their former home base (1). The ELN has had a history of trouble with peace talks with the Colombian government. Since the 2016 peace deal between the Colombian government and the FARC (another far-left guerilla group), the ELN had all eyes on them and were the largest remaining armed group in Colombia (2). In 2018 the ELN and the Colombian government were in the initial stages of peace talks. Nonetheless, Ivan Duque (Colombia's president at the time), suspended the talks after the ELN refused to release hostages and detonated a car bomb in Bogota which killed 22 police cadets. On October 4, 2022, the Colombian government and the ELN signed an agreement to restart the negotiations which were suspended in 2018. More recently, the Colombian government has said that the ELN has been scaling back attacks against the Colombian military and releasing hostages, which has enabled the government to gain trust in the group’s willingness to negotiate. The new talks between both parties are scheduled to begin during the first week of November 2022 (6). Political Objectives & Ideology The ELN was originally built upon Marxist-Leninism and Catholic Liberation Theology. They opposed foreign influence in Colombia and aimed to create a republic in place of the Colombian government. The ELN now participates heavily in kidnappings as well as in drug trafficking, although they originally opposed those methods. This is because the ELN considered these approaches to be anti-revolutionary, as well as not corresponding with the group's ideological beliefs. The ELN focused heavily on combating the Colombian government but after peace deals with other guerrilla groups, the ELN is shifting their goals to demobilizing and reintegrating ex-combatants to achieve a new goal -- ending its conflict with the Colombian government (1). Approach to Resistance The ELN has used a wide variety of tactics, ranging from kidnappings, bombings, assassinations, extortions, hijackings, and attacks on economic infrastructure (such as bombing large oil pipelines) as forms of revenue and achieving their own objectives. However, the ELN has not always used these tactics. As highlighted earlier, the ELN's early days involved a strong condemnation against kidnappings. This all changed, however, after the group experienced almost complete disintegration in 1973 during a government offensive. One of the notable events of this offensive was an attack which left 135 out of the 200 members of the ELN dead (which was the total size of the group at the time), including its founders Fabio and Manuel Vásquez Castaño. New leaders Perez and Nicolás Rodríguez Bautista “Gabino” increased the use of previously-condemned kidnapping methods. Kidnapping became a large source of revenue for the ELN. Interestingly, the ELN also made large oil discoveries which led multinational companies into their regions. With these new large companies flocking in, oil theft and extortion aided in the rise of the ELN (5). Localized ELN efforts in Chocó – which is Colombia's poorest province – have different approaches to resistance. The Anti-drug Fumigation Program works to fight against narcotics by using aircraft and other equipment to fumigate coca crops. However many have criticized this program for the health risks it often brings. Artisanal hand-made weapons are used to combat military aircrafts which fumigate the coca crops. The ELN has gained extensive support from locals because of their efforts to fight against these government aircrafts. Fumigation destroys many food crops that the locals depend on for survival and revenue, as well as brings disease and even death among children in the region. The ELN believes that this act is a form of direct violence against the people to benefit multinational companies in their acts of exploitation of natural resources, such as water and minerals (7). International Relations & Regional Funding The ELN does not only operate on Colombian soil -- Venezuela has also become an area of economic and political interest for the ELN. The ELN controls territory where illegal gold mining and drug trafficking is prevalent. Venezuela’s government under Maduro has allowed the ELN to have access to these areas without much interference from authorities (9). Alliances between the ELN and Venezuelan security forces have been criticized by citizens due to high rates of violence and displacement along Colombia’s province of Arauca and Venezuela's state of Apure. Former FARC fighters who rejected the peace deal in 2016 with the Colombian government have formed dissident groups, which are being actively fought against by joint operations uniting the ELN and the Venezuelan Security Forces. Although reports suggest that FARC dissidents and the ELN made an alliance in 2018 (10), this has changed due to territorial disputes, and both parties are no longer linked. The Venezuelan government, meanwhile, has repeatedly denied that it is harboring dissidents and the ELN (8). Gallery Additional Resources

Group Overview Kurdish Hezbollah (also known as ‘Turkish Hezbollah’ or sometimes simply ‘Hizbullah’) is an armed Sunni Islamist group formed in 1993, just outside of Batman, Turkey (4). The group was founded by Hüseyin Velioğlu following a violent rift in the Union Movement after the 1980 Turkish Coup (4). Their main goal was to destroy the militant leftist group PKK (the Kurdistan Workers’ Party) and topple the current Turkish government in an attempt to instate their brand of Islamist rule. During the peak of their operation, Hizbullah members carried out assassinations and killings of both combatants and civilians, which brought fear to the communities of southeastern Turkey. History & Foundations Stemming from the once-peaceful Union Movement, Hizbullah finds its roots in the Islamist movement that formed after the 1980 Turkish Coup (4). The Union Movement was headed by Hüseyin Velioğlu and Fidan Gündör, until ideological disagreements led to the fracture of the group into the Menzil and İlim factions (4). The İlim sect, headed by Velioğlu, stressed the importance of immediate armed revolution against leftist militia groups and the secularist government in charge (1). Hizbullah saw the rising influence of leftist groups, specifically the PKK as a threat to Turkish nationalism, and targeted its members in assasination campaigns. Objectives & Ideology Since its earliest inception in the 1980s, Kurdish Hezbollah has maintained their commitment to toppling the secularist Turkish regime and replacing it with an Islamist governmental system (2). After being unable to achieve this goal through democratic means, the group took violent action to accomplish this objective. In connection to their extremist religious belief system, the group adopts a violent use of force to defeat societal outcomes of secularism, such as women’s rights and the right to drink alcohol. As an extension of their radical nationalist belief system, they also view leftist organizations as a threat to their goals, and have taken great lengths to fight their influence. Military Abilities Despite their humble roots, Hezbollah is known for their assassinations and urban prowess in their war against their enemies. The group was known for their trademarked “three shot assassination” technique, which they employed (often in broad daylight). This method was trademarked to them after the assassination of a Turkish-Armenian journalist – Hrant Dink – in 2007. While many of its early members were inexperienced college-aged men, the group received crucial support from the Turkish military and police in the form of direct training and armament (3). The military had been engaged against the PKK, and used Hizbullah as an extension of their forces in order to defeat the Marxist enemy. In return, Hizbullah offered their intelligence on the PKK to military officials, which created a mutually-beneficial relationship between the two parties (1). While never formally admitted by either side, many Hizbullah fighters have also stated that they received direct military training from the Iranian Secret Service (4). Approach to Resistance After the fracture of the Union Movement, Velioğlu’s group began an immediate attack against its enemies. Their assassination campaigns that targeted both military and civilian individuals brought a sense of fear to the communites in southeastern Anatolia. At the conflict’s peak in 1992, PKK members “were being killed at the rate of two a day” (3). Initially the group only targeted PKK members, but soon broadened their focus to anyone that did not align with them. Hizbullah was known for their use of axe attacks on those they deemed immoral, and these assaults were done in public places with the intention of creating terror amongst the population (1). Other victims were found buried alive or hacked to pieces with meat cleavers. Local establishments such as liquor stores and brothels were firebombed and their owners shot because of their secular values (5). Outside of PKK affiliates, journalists and those that spoke out about their connections to Iran and the Turkish military were their primary targets (6). Like most extremist groups, Hizbullah attempted to control the populace through fear and such methods of killing were their greatest tool. Alliances & International Relations While operating without any official alliances, Hizbullah had connections to military actors both in Turkey and internationally. Despite often targeting police in their violent campaign, they received training from officers in their fight against the PKK (1). The Turkish military viewed Hizbullah as a valuable asset in their own fight against the marxist militants, and thus offered key support in the form of armament and intelligence aid. 2000'e Doğru, a weekly newspaper in Turkey, reported that Hizbullah fighters were trained under Turkey’s Rapid Deployment Force, which trained them in specialized warfare methods (6). Through their connections to Eastern Europe, the military was able to supply Hizbullah with pistols sourced from the region (6). The group also found support from certain sectors of the Iranian military, specifically the Iranian Secret Service (4). While Iran denies these allegations, official reports document their support in the form of arms and funding towards Hizbullah. Additional Resources

Introduction & Overview The Hells Angels Motorcycle Club (HAMC) has been one of the most notorious outlaw biker gangs since its conception on Saint Patrick's Day, March 17th, 1948 (1). After The Hells Angels opened their first chapter in California, they quickly grew into an international organization. Within the next few decades, they would see their influence reach countries such as New Zealand, Germany, Brazil, Russia, and Turkey (2). Like the Bōsōzoku gangs of Japan, HAMC was founded as a way for World War II veteran pilots to regain a sense of camaraderie (3). Over time the organization's overall intent has evolved from establishing itself as an imposing force during the 1960s counterculture movement to helping like-minded motorcycle riders form communities that will allow them to better enjoy riding. Throughout the years, their laissez-faire approach to governance has allowed each chapter to find and adapt its own purpose (4). The HAMC's freedom-loving outlaw counterculture influenced its chapters internationally to adopt various motives. With operations ranging from toy donation campaigns -- such as the Christmas drive held by the San Diego HAMC -- to illegal drug smuggling attempts that led members from the same San Diego chapter to be arrested in Malta. The Hells Angels' individual chapters have often found themselves in a strange limbo between criminality, political activism, and simple automotive hobbyism (5). History At the end of the Second World War, many veterans returning to the United States had difficult times detoxing from the adrenaline-filled lifestyle of a serviceman and coping with their then unrecognized PTSD (6). Unable to create connections with those who had not experienced the shock of war firsthand, these veterans would start to classify themselves as outcasts from typical American society. Isolating into social groups made up of fellow veterans, they formed similar bonds to the ones created during the war. To many in these groups, the connections they made were more substantial than that of their families (6). While these tight-knit friends would satisfy the veterans' social needs, they still sought out a replacement for the highs of combat. The average bar brawl was a start, but the economic boom after the war would give them the funds to acquire a love for the large CC motorcycles HAMC is known for (6). Although the groups were primarily focused on their shared passion for motorcycles, they would not officially be categorised as a Motorcycle Club until the American Motorcycle Association (AMA) required them to create formal charters to compete in sanctioned races (6). This AMA legislation led to the recognition and creation of numerous clubs nationwide, all with different compositions and ideologies (6). On July 4th, 1947, an AMA-sanctioned race gave way to a riot in the town of Hollister, California. The media tension after the event caused the AMA to break away from clubs associated with the rioting and paint them as outlaws (7). Some of the clubs cast aside by the AMA used their new rebellious personas to make a mark on America, either intentionally or not. Now labeled as 'outlaw' motorcycle clubs, they used intimidation and disorder to form their own counterculture. Clubs such as the Pissed off Bastards of Bloomington (POBOB) and the Booze Fighters Motorcycle Club became some of the first to have the image of "Gangis Khan on an iron horse" cast upon them by the press (8). With the help of the media, outlaw biker culture swept east from California, giving rise to like-minded clubs all around the country. The creation of new clubs meant the creation of new rivalries; which, for instance, caused tension to form inside the Piss Off Bastards of Bloomington. During the height of these underreported tensions, then-members of the POBOB broke away to create the first Hells Angels chapter in the Fontana area of California (9). Political Ideology Today, it is difficult to determine all of HAMC's driving motives other than to fill a natural need for community, as well as curate a network of different businesses (10). Hells Angels are incorporated and have their own registered trademark (11). They have also created two churches, named the Church of the Angels and the Church of the Free Highway, for which they receive tax exemptions on club assets (11). Each chapter and its members can differ widely, from libertarian-minded businessmen to lifelong criminals (12). Depending on the Hells Angels clubhouse that one walks into, they may find anything from toys ready for donation, or methamphetamine being prepared to move across the border (13). A specific chapter's goals and political views are determined mainly by those actively involved in the club and their current thoughts on the world around them. In the club's earlier years, it was much easier to pin down the rebellious intent of the HAMC and its unique ideology. Besides the goal of funding their chapters through both legal and illegal means, HAMC seemingly wanted to curate their own unique style of 1960s American counterculture (14). This style is summarized by a quote used in the book 'Hell's Angels: A Strange and Terrible Saga' in which a Hell's Angel states -- "We're the one percenters, man—the one percent that don't fit and don't care. So don't talk to me about your doctor bills and your traffic warrants—-I mean you get your woman and your bike and your banjo and I mean you're on your way…." Throughout the 1960s-70s, HAMC's image grew immensely due to the release of various films inspired by them and the high public disdain for the U.S. government (15). The perceived liberal nature that these films cast on the club through renditions of psychedelic drug use and their presence in the politically active San Francisco Bay area helped attract support from well-known public figures (16). One of them was Allen Ginsberg, an American poet that became renowned after the release of his anti-capitalist poem titled 'Howl' (17). This support and romanticization in the media led many Americans who were a part of the counterculture movement to use the Hells Angels as a militant arm of their otherwise peaceful ideology. While the Hells Angels would accept this role inside liberal politics, HAMC members were primarily motivated by ideological markers such as masculinity, a sense of brotherhood, territorial defense, and autonomy from society (18). Constant struggles with the police, defamation by officials, and their general outlaw persona left a vast majority of Hells Angels to develop an anti-authoritarian mindset towards U.S. Government and state officials. Since HAMC members did not apply this same anti-authoritarian mindset to the club itself, which involves a multitude of various ranks and strict laws, some have created the label ‘Rebel Authoritarians’ for them (19). This unique form of authoritarianism allowed HAMC to act as a structured security force for Haight-Ashbury's alternative communities and new age events such as the Rolling Stones free concert at Altamont Speedway (20). Although most altercations they were involved in ended violently, the counterculture favored HAMC over the police. However, this relationship quickly changed when Hells Angels attacked anti-war protesters in Berkeley. The demonstrators who once looked at the Hells Angels as comrades in their fight against the establishment had become their targets. HAMC members beat and harassed Vietnam Day Committee protesters which they believed had become too radical and were traitors to the country (21). Hells Angels claimed they were protecting Oakland from out-of-town Berkeley radicals (22). The incident would forever hinder the bond between the two cultures and further confuse the public's perception of the Hells Angels' ideology (22). To distance themselves from the hostile media that surrounded these anti-Vietnam War protests, Oakland Chapter President at the time, Ralph 'Sonny' Bargers, held a press conference. He would go on to denounce the demonstrations—even offering to volunteer Hells Angels members to fight against the Viet Cong (23). Other HAMC members stood behind Vietnam veteran 'Sonny' Bargers and exposed their underlying patriotic views. Since then, it has been challenging to determine the Hells Angels Motorcycle Club’s political affiliations or if they even maintain any. Militant & Political Abilities Although the Hells Angels involves many chapters with unique focuses, they have still developed legislation allowing them to operate as a worldwide organization. Chapters of HAMC fall under a 'Regional Officer'. This officer acts as a representative for all chapters that exist in their area (24). These areas usually encompass the eastern or western half of a country (24). During annual country-specific and worldwide club events, these representatives will meet to vote on matters relating to the Hells Angels. While chapters are mostly regarded as equal to each other, the Oakland California Chapter is considered to have the most influence on club decisions. This influence is due to their large number of members and the universal respect Hells Angels have for former chapter president Ralph 'Sonny' Bargers. The HAMC's maintained connection between all chapters allows HAMC to conduct international operations, ranging from running a bar chain called 'The Other Place' to waging multi-country turf wars with rival clubs (25). Approach to Resistance & Alliances During the height of HAMC's popularity in the 60s-70s, they often targeted rival clubs that threatened the criminal and political operations a chapter may have been running. The HAMC carried out numerous bombings, shootings, kidnappings, and beatings to protect their interests (26). At one point, they also attacked mafias such as the Chicago Italian mob, who was the target of a failed car bombing that left one Hells Angels member dead (27). This violence continued onwards to the late 1990s, when HAMC members were convicted for bombing a Bandidos MC headquarters in Norway. While violent actions are less likely to be carried out by HAMC chapters in the modern day, this does not mean they have entirely ceased. For example, in June of 2022, a group of Hells Angels members fired at a rival gang on a Las Vegas highway (28). Even though HAMC has chapters in twenty-seven states throughout the US and five continents, they have been known to work in conjunction with other motorcycle clubs worldwide to aid in both community and criminal activities. In 2015, HAMC and ex-rivals the Bandidos MC were accused of working together in Zelenograd, Russia, against the Night Wolves MC, also known as 'Putin's biker gang' (29). This ability to establish international chapters and the willingness to cooperate with once-rivals of HAMC only reinforces the Hells Angels' role as a player in world economics and politics. Gallery Additional Resources

Overview & Introduction The Front for the Liberation of the Enclave of Cabinda (FLEC) is a guerrilla movement fighting for the independence of the Angolan province of Cabinda. After Angola obtained its independence from Portugal in 1975, the territory of Cabinda became an exclave province of the country (1). The FLEC is currently fighting the Cabinda War. Interestingly, Cabinda is located north of the Democratic Republic of Congo’s Bas-Congo province, signifying that land access into Cabinda requires travelling through DRC territory as it does not connect directly with Angola (2). History In 1963, three organisations — the Movement for the Liberation of the Enclave of Cabinda (MLEC), Action Committee of the Cabinda National Union (CAUNC), and the Mayombe National Alliance (ALLIAMA) — merged to form the FLEC. During the Portuguese Colonial War which took place between 1961 and 1974, the nationalist movements of Cabinda fought against the Portuguese Armed Forces. Once Angola had obtained independence in 1975, the FLEC organised a provisional government and self-proclaimed its independence. However, the People’s Armed Forces of Liberation of Angola, as well as the Popular Movement for the Liberation of Angola (which was supported by Cuba) invaded the Cabinda territory. The FLEC did not manage to keep its control of urban areas and was hence heavily suppressed by Angolan forces (3). The period which followed caused the FLEC to divide and part ways. However, the movement was reborn in the 1990s under two separate branches; the FLEC-Renovada and the FLEC-Armed Forces of Cabinda (FLEC-FAC) (3). The former was captured by the Angolan Armed Forces in 2002 and this led to the signing of a cease-fire. FLEC-FAC has often criticised this ceasefire and it continues to fight for Cabinda’s independence since. In fact, in 2006, the FLEC-FAC even demanded the African Union to intervene and support its political struggle. Around this time, the FLEC also formed the Cabinda Forum for Dialogue, an organisation more centred around the civil sector. This initiative fuelled the separatist ideology in the region (3). International Relations & Alliances The FLEC movement’s main alliances involve the United States and France. French intelligence services have often been connected with FLEC since the Cold War as France used the opportunity to oppose the MPLA government in Angola (which was backed by Cuba). Even after the war, however, French intelligence continues to be connected the FLEC. The ‘Angologate’ arms scandal also directly linked the nation to the Angolan civil war as leaks revealed that it was illicitly selling arms to Angola (4). In addition to the illicit sale of arms, France has an interest in Angola due to TotalEnergies (5) — a French oil exporter. After TotalEnergies discovered a patch of oil in 2009, it has continued to increase its influence in Angola; which is now the second-biggest contributor of oil to TotalEnergies. The US has also been heavily involved in Cabinda due to the territory’s oil reserves. There have been claims that the US’ involvement in Cabinda has worsened the corruption problem in Cabinda and in Angola as a whole. France’s support for the FLEC (heavily impacted by its desired influence in Angola) has shifted in 2010 after the FLEC organised attacks on Togo’s national football team. Since then, France has allowed the extradition of FLEC separatist leaders. There have also been allegations that another branch of the FLEC — the FLEC-UNITA — was operating in Cabinda thanks to support from South Africa during the 1980s. This aid eventually stopped and hence FLEC-UNITA fell apart in the same years. Approach to Resistance On the 8th of January 2010, the Togo national football team’s bus was attacked by gunmen. This occurred as the team was travelling to the 2010 Africa Cup of Nations tournament. The attack killed Togo’s assistant coach, its team spokesman, and its bus driver. The attack was claimed by a branch of the FLEC. The secretary general of the Front for the Liberation of the Enclave of Cabinda-Military Position (Flec-PM) — Rodrigues Mingas — later explained that his fighters were supposed to attack security guards instead of the national team’s bus. He claimed the injuries and killings of Togolese staff/players were purely accidental (6). In addition to this attack, the FLEC kidnapped an officer of the United Nations Angola Verification Mission in February 1993 (and released him unharmed). The group also continues sporadic attacks on oil workers and army patrols. In 2007, for instance, a Brazilian paramedic who worked for an oil company in Angola was killed by the FLEC. A Portuguese technician who worked for Tecnovia was also severely wounded in 2008 (3). Additional Resources

The Animal Liberation Front (ALF) is an international resistance movement which fights against animal cruelty. The ALF is decentralised and leaderless due to the group’s anarchist ideology. Moreover, the Front has conducted operations in the past to remove animals from laboratories, farms, and related facilities, and to instead place them in safe houses, veterinaries, and sanctuaries. The ALF is active in over 40 countries around the world. Due to its leaderless and decentralised structure, ALF members around the world often operate clandestinely, between friend groups or as sole individuals (and simply affiliate their actions to the ALF). This characteristic of the ALF makes it extremely hard for global authorities to monitor and intervene. The ALF’s activists emphasise the non-violent, pacifist nature of the movement. Even more interestingly, one of the group’s main slogans is that “everyone is part of the ALF”. Essentially, this lies on the notion that anyone who conducts an act of animal liberation — without harming human or non-human life in the process — is an ALF activist. Despite this pacifist approach, countless critics categorise the ALF as “eco-terrorists”. On most occasions, these allegations stream from the ambiguity of who is an actual ALF member; if it is impossible to know who exactly is an activist for the group, it is also impossible to know whether an ALF activist has been involved in an act of violence. For instance in 2002, the Southern Poverty Law Center in the US made a report on the ALF’s involvement in the Stop Huntingdon Animal Cruelty political movement, which allegedly employer terrorist tactics. However, the SPLD later noted that no one had been killed during this campaign. Later in 2005, the US Department of Homeland Security included the ALF in its list of dangerous organisations. The UK also started monitoring the group in 2004 for accusations of domestic extremism. The ALF’s approach to resistance — despite being proclaimed as non-violent — has involved destruction in the past. This is because many of the group’s activists who are involved in direct action support property crime. In essence, these activists esteem that simply removing animals from a laboratory will lead to their rapid replacement. The laboratory’s destruction, however, would imply heavy costs and hence a probability that alternatives to animal research will come about. In 1996, for example, an ALF activist was involved in an arson attack on the University of Arizona. NOTE: This article will be updated soon.

Insurgency Overview Saraya Al-Mukhtar (“SM”), also known as The Chosen Brigades, is a Bahraini militant group primarily comprised of Shi’a Muslims. The group formed in 2013 after the ruling Al-Khalifa regime led a crackdown on pro-democracy protestors during the 2011 Arab Spring (1). The group utilises sophisticated IEDs (improvised explosive devices) in pursuit of the ousting of the Al-Khalifa regime in order to bring about the end of Sunni minority rule in the country (2). History & Geopolitics The fundamental objective of Saraya Al-Mukhtar is to bring about the fall of Bahrain’s current regime through armed means in order to establish a Shi’a-led state (1). Followers of Shi’a Islam reject the first three Caliphs who came after the death of the Prophet Mohammad and instead only recognize the fourth Caliph, Ali Ibn Abi Talib. As a result, the largely Sunni population in the Middle East regard the Shi’a as Rafida (rejectors) (3). Saraya Al-Mukhtar acts against what they claim is the systemic oppression of the Bahraini Shi’a, in addition to condemning the regime's alliance with the United States. Presently, Iran is the only Shi’a-led state in the region (4). The current regime has close ties to the United States as Bahrain houses a naval base which is subsequently home to the United States Fifth Fleet (5). In 2018, the United States State Department classified SM as a terrorist group, stating the group is an Iranian-backed terror cell (6). In addition, Saudi Arabia seeks the maintenance of the Al-Khalifa regime in order to counter the spread of Shi’a and therefore, Iranian influence in the region (7). SM utilises Twitter and Telegram to display their support of the Iranian Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) as well as their support of the Iraqi militant group Kata’ib Al-Imam Ali (6). Approach to Resistance Between the group's founding and 2015, it claimed responsibility for numerous IED attacks against Bahraini security forces (6). Furthermore, official SM Twitter posts allude to the regular training of its militants by the IRGC (6). However, since 2015 the group has not claimed responsibility for any attacks, with the US State Department also reporting that Bahrain has not witnessed a deadly attack since 2017 (6). Although Saraya Al-Mukhtar seems to be militarily dormant at the present time, the group -- as aforementioned -- regularly uses social media to illustrate their ideological solidarity with the Iranian regime, as well as with the Iraqi group Kata’ib Al-Imam Ali (6). Additional Resources

Introduction & Overview Harakat al-Shabaab al-mujahideen (حركة الشباب المجاهدين) or more commonly known as al-Shabaab (The Youth) is a fundamentalist Islamic insurgent organisation based in Somalia but active in the rest of East Africa. The majority of al-Shabaab’s support base within Somalia is strongly nationalist in nature and there is a greater focus on establishing a “Greater Somalia" by uniting the Somali populations of Somalia, Kenya, Ethiopia, and Djibouti (Petrich, 2019). This has changed from a focus on the globalist framework within which the group was founded in order to view incursions on Islamic territory by non-Muslim nations such as the USA and UK as well as other mainly Christian African nations such as Ethiopia and Kenya (Downie, 2011). These invasions would be viewed by the population of Somalia as further attempts at colonization and Western assimilation and be used to aid in support and recruiting efforts for al-Shabaab in the Horn of Africa. Organisation Roots & History The exact origins of al-Shabaab are unclear. It is widely agreed that the organisation formed as a part of the Islamic Courts Union (ICU) which was a legal and political organisation set up in the wake of the fall of the Siad Barre regime in 1991 during the Somali Civil War. The ICU was embraced by large amounts of the Somali population and following the expulsion of CIA-backed warlords in 2006 (Mazzetti, 2006), it resulted in what was widely considered the most productive era in recent Somali history since the fall of the Barre regime. Following the dissolution of the ICU in 2007 due to internal disputes resulting from the Ethiopian occupation in the War in Somalia, al-Shabaab established itself as an independent actor and began an armed campaign of resistance to foreign invasion forces. After having made large territorial gains during the 2007-09 period it suffered significant losses at the hand of the African Union Mission to Somalia (AMISOM). However, this success by the AU (African Union) forces didn’t last long and during the 2009-10 period the insurgent group made significant gains in the south of the country. This resulted in al-Shabaab controlling much of central and southern Somalia whilst also forming administrative functions to govern the areas that it controlled. Post-2013 the group launched further guerrilla attacks on AMISOM forces due to losses that the group had suffered and since 2018 the insurgency has seen a resurgence in terms of not only organisation but also membership numbers (Raghavan, 2022). Objectives & Ideology Ideologically, the insurgent group has been centred around the principle of Salafism in which the main goal is to establish a global caliphate (much like ISIS) through armed struggle or Jihad. However, this goal of establishing a global caliphate is not shared by large amounts of al-Shabaab’s support base within Somalia (International Crisis Group, 2022) and therefore an effort has been made to advocate for a form of Salafi Jihadism that runs alongside Somali nationalism. This would allow the group to sympathise with the perceived struggles of Muslims and Islamic nations worldwide and to also pursue its idea of a ‘Greater Somalia’. Military & Armed Capabilities Al-Shabaab’s military abilities are linked heavily to its funding which has gone through several changes. This changed from a focus on international funding through the Hawala network in which individuals who support the Islamist group can donate money through a set of intermediaries to avoid detection. The insurgency also used to fund its activities through charcoal exports due to its control over several port cities such as Kismayo. However, due to the Kenyan military engaging and removing al-Shabaab from the port city the Islamist group was forced to find other means of funding such as local taxation and the trade of illicit substances such as ivory (McCoy, 2015). Due to this large and established source of funding, the insurgent group has access to weapons such as assault rifles, mortars, anti-personnel mines, and also rocket-propelled grenades (RPGs). This access to high explosive devices has also led to the capability to create and produce locally made IEDs (Improvised Explosive Devices) and VBIEDs (Vehicle-borne improvised explosive devices). Approach to Resistance Due to a recent resurgence in the group's capabilities, more direct actions are being undertaken by the insurgency group. Al-Shabaab is suspected of being behind the Mogadishu Truck bombings in 2017 in which 270 people died. However, due to a large number of civilian deaths they are suspected to be reluctant to claim the attack due to the possibility of degradation of local support (Mohamed, Ibrahim, and Schmitt, 2017). This has now typified the strategy that al-Shabaab uses to oppose forces that it considers opponents in its journey to establish an Islamist presence in Somalia which include the forces of the African Union and the Federal Government of Somalia. This strategy includes not only attacks against opponent armed forces but also attacks against foreign aid groups and local civilians who oppose the methods of al-Shabaab (Sheikh, 2022). International Relations & Alliances Al-Shabaab has been linked to several internationally- and regionally-active Islamist terrorist organisations but most importantly al-Qaeda (AQ). The relationship between al-Qaeda and al-Shabaab was fraught and they interacted mainly online before 2008, praising each other’s actions but not cementing a cooperative relationship. However, after Osama Bin Laden's death in 2011 the Somali-based insurgency group became an official al-Qaeda affiliate (Staff, 2012). This led to close cooperation in areas such as indoctrination and training with a focus on basic skills and also more importantly advanced explosive creation training which has allowed al-Shabaab to utilise more lethal tactics in its war against opposition forces. However, there has also been conflict with other Islamist organisations such as ISIL (the Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant) which in early 2015 called upon al-Shabaab to switch allegiances from AQ to ISIL. Al-Shabaab rejected and consequently released an 18-page treatise in which they rejected the newly formed Islamic State in Somalia’s (which is an ISIL branch) ideology and listing the crimes which they had committed under the Quran (Hummel, 2019). Gallery Additional Resources

Overview & Ideology The Atomwaffen Division (German for “Atomic Weapons”) is an international Neo Nazi accelerationist network. The group was founded by members of a now-defunct Neo Nazi internet forum, called the 'Iron March', which catered to younger Neo Nazis hoping to take to real life activism. Much of Atomwaffen’s ideology is derived from a Neo Nazi named James Mason and his newsletter called “SIEGE”. SIEGE heavily embraced the idea of going underground and creating small networks which would result in 'lone-wolf' style attacks (1). Members of the group are also strict followers of the ideology of the Order of Nine Angles -- an esoteric Satanic group with Neo Nazi ideologies. The group’s goal is to create an apocalyptic societal collapse which will result in a race war that would lay the foundation for a national socialist society (2). Organisation Roots & Radicalisation There has been much speculation on the exact date of the founding of the organization. Claims range from 2013 to 2017, although the organization itself can be traced from the now-defunct Iron March forum which began in 2011 and was later shut down in 2017. In fact, a post on the Iron March forum made by Brandon Clint Russell from Florida announced the formation of The Atomwaffen Division on October 12, 2015, in Tampa (1). Roughly around the same time, AWD literature started appearing on the University of Central Florida's campus. In 2016, the same literature appears on the Old Dominion University and then Boston University. After this, AWD members began making appearances in public. Members were spotted protesting a vigil in San Antonio, Texas regarding the Pulse Nightclub shooting. After that, members were in Houston, Texas as part of a “White Lives Matter” rally. AWD propaganda was then spotted at eight different universities around the US (2). AWD had grown to 80 members with various “initiates” waiting to gain approval to become full members. These 80 individuals and initiates were spread across the United States in secretive cells which trained and planned for “lone wolf” style attacks. AWD even conducted various “hate camps” in Texas, Washington, Nevada, and Illinois. These “hate camps consisted of firearms training, explosives training, clearing houses, and production of propaganda videos (3). Objectives The objective of AWD is the collapse of modern civilization. Their belief is that various terror cells would be able to execute catastrophic “lone-wolf” attacks which would incite a race war and hence bring down the US government. The AWD's objectives are influenced by serial killer Charles Manson, as well as prominent white nationalists William Pierce and James Mason. AWD went as far as even establishing a relationship with James Manson. AWD made his Neo Nazi newsletter, SIEGE, a required reading for all members. SIEGE heavily promotes the idea of “leaderless resistance” in which an individuals would operate in secrecy and conduct “lone wolf” attacks. Examples of these types of actions which inspire AWD is the Oklahoma City Bombing and the shooting conducted by Dylann Roof (2). Another ideology that became intertwined with AWD was Satanism. John Denton became leader of AWD after Brandon Russell was incarcerated for the possession of a high-powered firearm and explosives after being pulled over in 2018. Denton himself was heavily influenced by a British Satanic Neo Nazi organization -- The Order of Nine Angles (ONA). ONA writings then became required readings for members and the AWD began to take on many of their beliefs. Approach to Resistance The danger of the AWD comes from their propensity and desire for violence. They have been known to actively recruit military members; AWD founder Brandon Russell himself was a member of the Army National Guard. Members with military experience play an important role within the AWD as they share knowledge of firearms training, paramilitary structure within training, and explosives training. Various cells will conduct trainings on their own, sharing the knowledge that had been given from the military members within their ranks. Examples of these trainings are the “hate camps” that AWD was known to conduct (1). The AWD has been involved in many violent incidents. For instance, in 2017, former AWD member Devon Arthurs killed his two roommates who were active AWD members, stating that they were plotting attacks and that he would not be able to live with the guilt if they were to follow through (1). The plot that Arthurs was referring to prompt the arrest of AWD founder, Brandon Russell. Russell had been stating on Neo Nazi online forums that he was going to blow up various infrastructure and kill random individuals. Police pulled over Russell and another AWD member and discovered explosives, bulletproof vests, and automatic rifles in their possession. In 2018, AWD member, Samuel Woodward murdered his former high school classmate, Blaze Bernstein, after attending an AWD “hate camp”. Bernstein was Jewish and part of the LGBT community. Many AWD members praised Woodward for his actions on online forms after his arrest (2). The AWD has the propensity to be violent, as seen with the murders and assaults associated with the organization. However, law enforcement has been relatively effective in the prevention of any major threats; many leading AWD members have been incarcerated or put under scrutiny from law enforcement. This has consequently caused the organization to become more secretive. The organization is very savvy with encrypted communication and its distribution of propaganda. This is perhaps the real defining source of danger within the AWD’s promotion of “lone wolf”attacks that could be carried out by individuals who are simply inspired by AWD teachings. James Mason declared that AWD had to disband due to pressures from law enforcement, although many members remain active. The members that remained active rebranded themselves as the National Socialist Order (NSO) (3). The name has changed, but they essentially have the same beliefs and activities as the AWD, although they are keeping a lower profile. International Outreach The AWD has been noted to have cells throughout the United States. By admission, Brandon Russell mentioned on his aforementioned Iron March post that proclaimed the formation of AWD included a “large concentration in Florida, various smaller chapters throughout the US, such as Chicago, Texas, and New England, Boston, New York, Kentucky, Alabama, Ohio, Missouri, Oregon, Virginia, and a few others.” (3). The AWD was also noted to have international links and affiliates. Affiliate groups have been discovered in the United Kingdom, Germany, Canada, Russia and allegedly in Ukraine as well (2). The UK affiliate of the AWD -- The Sonnenkrieg Division (SKD) -- further blended tenants of Satanism along with ideas of pedophilia and rape. The SKD became an affiliate of the AWD in 2018 and it attracted attention all over the UK due to threats made against Prince Harry’s life for his marriage to Meghan Markle. The AWD’s German affiliate, AWD Deutschland, emerged in 2018. They became known nationwide due to their threats against Muslim and Green Party politicians. In 2022, a cell connected to AWD was discovered in Quebec, Canada. The cell was eventually raided by authorities after a perspective member was arrested for defacing LGBT support centers throughout the area (3). Another incident involved the members of the Washington branch of the AWD and their connections to a far-right terrorist organization -- the Russia Imperialist Movement. The ties between these organizations were so deep that AWD members Aiden Bruce-Umbaugh and Kaleb Cole travelled to St. Petersburg, Russia to receive military training from them (4). The AWD affiliates were noted to be in Ukraine as a propaganda video emerged in 2019, although any further evidence to confirm the authenticity of this has not been found (2). Many of these groups have been crippled due to law enforcement scrutiny but it proves that the reach of the AWD’s structure and propaganda is a new trend in white supremacy. Additional Resources

Group Overview St. Pauli FC is a football club in the district of San Pauli, Hamburg, in Germany. It was founded in 1910 and is often considered to be one of the most political clubs in the football world (1). In addition to its far-left ideology, the club is also the first sports entity in Germany to have integrated a charter of 'guiding principles' (2), which outlines the core elements of the St. Pauli ultras’ common political ideology. Values, Ideology, & 'Guiding Principles' The Sankt Pauli ultras engage in a phenomenon referred to as “Sankthpaulismo”, a term which encompasses the St. Pauli ultra’s responsibility to be a militant for the club’s values, on and off the pitch. The ultras consider themselves to be anti-racist, anti-homophobic, anti-fascist, and anti-sexist (3). Their militancy for these values, as aforementioned, is not restrained to simple chants and tifos in football stadiums. Rather, St. Pauli ultras have a reputation for participating in protests, assemblies, and other political events in the Saint Pauli district. In fact, the ultras have even organised their own events in the past to rally support for the causes they support. The yearly Anti-racist Football Tournament, for example, is a competition organised by the ultras since 2004 which promotes diversity within sports and society (4). Popular Roots St. Pauli is a football club which has very deep ties with its supporters. In 1998, their stadium was renamed from “Wilhelm Koch Stadion” (former club president) to “Millerntor Stadium” after the ultras discovered that Koch had collaborated with Nazi authorities during WWII. Outside of politics, the club is also profoundly characterised by its subculture of punk music and countercultural values. St. Pauli’s close affiliation to the radical left has often coincided with the integration of pro-LGBT and anarcho-communist themes in this subculture (5). Approach to Resistance St. Pauli’s approach to resistance is very similar to other hooligan movements in football. However, the club’s omnipresent mixing of politics and football has made its confrontations with rivals (i.e Hamburg SV) very violent. Every year, police supervision is enforced during St. Pauli’s marches and hooligan movements. Most of the ultras’ messages are spread and displayed through giant leftist tifos, stickers across the city, or even graffiti art (6). Gallery Manifesto & Additional Resources