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Insurgency Overview The Serb Volunteer Guard (Srpska Dobrovoljačka Garda), better known as Arkan’s Tigers was a Serbian paramilitary unit active during much of the Yugoslav Wars. Founded in 1990, the Tigers fought both Croatian and Bosnian forces, notably making up the bulk of Serbian forces in the Croatian region of Eastern Slavonia. The Tigers gained notoriety for their ruthlessness towards both enemy combatants and civilians, as well as the flamboyance of their commander, Željko “Arkan” Ražnatović. History & Foundations Prior to forming the tigers, Željko Ražnatović was an international criminal, wanted for a series of armed robberies and shootouts throughout Western Europe throughout the late 1970s and early 80s. He returned to Yugoslavia in the early 80s and became the leader of the Delije, a group of far-right football hooligans who supported the team Red Star Belgrade. In May of 1990, he led the Delije in the Red Star-Dinamo Riot in Zagreb against Croatian hooligans (Stojanovic, 2013). By October of 1990, those same hooligans along with some friends he made in the Serbian underworld, joined Ražnatović in forming the Serbian Volunteer Guard, better known as Arkan’s Tigers. In 1991, the Tigers participated in the invasion of Croatia, seizing a former Yugoslav military base in the village of Erdut, which would become a semi-permanent garrison for the group. It was in Erdut that they became a symbol of the Serbian war effort, their flamboyance was plain to see perfectly symbolized by their tiger cub mascots, an endearing quality to the propaganda machine in Serbia. Erdut became Arkan's new stomping grounds for criminal activity, using his authority to extort local businesses (Arkanova ostavština, 2010). While in Erdut the Tigers were also accused of committing numerous war crimes against Croatian civilians (Stoltenberg, 1996). Despite focusing mainly on the Croatian front of the war, the group also participated in the 1992 invasion of the Brčko District in Bosnia (Central Intelligence Agency, 1995) among other operations across into the Bosnian side of the border. The Tigers continued their efforts until the end of the Croatian War of Independence in 1995. With the end of the war in Croatia, Arkan’s Tigers disbanded. In 1997 the International Criminal Tribunal indicted Arkan on war crimes charges (“ŽELJKO RAŽNATOVIĆ “ARKAN””, n.d.). A trial would not be held as on January 15th of 2000 he was assassinated in his hotel in Belgrade (Jones, Ahmetašević, and Pantović, n.d.). Objectives & Ideology The ideology of Arkan’s Tigers was thoroughly linked with far-right Serbian nationalism, with Arkan even founding the Party of Serbian Unity, a far-right political group that enjoyed little sucess (“Arkanova ostavština”). Arkan (and by extension his Tigers) thoroughly believed that the borders drawn for Serbia when they were a part of Yugoslavia were incorrectly drawn and that all ethnic Serbs should be citizens of a “Greater Serbia” under the newly formed Republic of Serbia. Arkan also combined the idea of a “Greater Serbia” with Orthodox Christian radicalism to declare a “religious war” against the Roman Catholic Croats and Muslim Bosnians (Laurie and Boskovic, 2015). Military Capabilities At its peak the Tigers numbered around 1,000 men, most were light infantry predominantly armed with Kalashnikov pattern rifles. The unit had a small armored force made up of a few armored personnel carriers, a truck mounted with an AA gun, and a T-55 tank which featured heavily in their propaganda photos (Laurie, 2015). The Tigers were partially funded and supplied by Arkan using his criminal connections but most of the material support the unit received came from the Serbian Interior Ministry. Their training and equipment left an impression, according to a declassified report from the Central Intelligence Agency, the unit was deemed to be “‘not the usual rag-tag bunch of men,’ but…looked more like professional Western troops” (Central Intelligence Agency, 1995). Approach to Resistance Arkan’s Tigers were heavily militant and ruthless in achieving their ideological goals. They were thoroughly integrated into the Serbian war effort and often fought alongside Serbian troops. From their very origins as a group of football hooligans, they were focused on achieving their goals violently. Perhaps the most striking example of their wanton violence was when the Tigers participated in the capture of Bijeljina, a Bosnian city close to the border with Serbia. Bosnian forces withdrew from the area following some skirmishes at the outbreak of the Bosnian War and left the city unguarded. The Tigers entered the city and began massacring civilians. There are conflicting reports of the total killed in the slaughter but the lowest estimates put it with at least 48 civilians killed (Jones, Ahmetašević, and Pantović, 2022). They were a militant group, no two ways about it. International Relations & Alliances The Tigers had numerous contacts in the Serbian underworld which helped Arkan finance the unit, particularly towards the beginning of the Yugoslav wars (“Arkanova ostavština” 2010). Most notably they were heavily backed by the Serbian Interior Ministry (MUP) and by extension the Serbian Republic. This support came in many forms, from being provided arms to having their vehicles registered with Ministry plates (Central Intelligence Agency 1995). The involvement of the Serbian state in the operations of the Tigers was so extensive that by at least 1994, the State Security Service handled the payrolls for the unit (Jones, Ahmetašević, and Pantović, 2022). Arkan’s Tigers are today a controversial example of the pension for flamboyance and violence of the Serbian war effort throughout the Yugoslav Wars. The Tigers don’t only remain in their legacy, but also as old men. They are DJs, convicts, and members of Kremlin-affiliated biker gangs (Golubović, 2022). Many actively propagandize the Tigers online, trying to create a legendary zeal around the group. Their victims also remain, they have waited for more than a quarter of a century for a justice they know may never come. Additional Resources

Insurgency Overview The Westboro Baptist Church (WBC) is a Christian extremist hate group based in Topeka, Kansas, that has stood out for its hateful messaging and provocative demonstrations. Fred Waldron Phelps founded the WBC in 1955. Most of the members are the extended family of Phelps and a small number of other families. Its beliefs revolve around its strong opposition to homosexuality and demonizing the Jewish and Islamic faiths. They have gained large national and international attention for their openly hateful and bizarre messaging (1). History and Foundations Founder History On November 13, 1929, Fred Waldron Phelps was born in Meridian, Mississippi. He was the son of Fred Wade Phelps and Catherine Phelps. Six years after his birth, his mother passed away from esophageal cancer. He was a top student in his class when he graduated from high school at the age of 16, and he was given an appointment at West Point's United States Military Academy. He turned down this invitation after discovering a love for ministry during a religious gathering and received his Southern Baptist ministerial ordination at the age of 17 (1947). To attend Bob Jones College, he moved from Mississippi to Cleveland, Tennessee. After deciding against going to West Point and becoming increasingly isolated from his father's Methodist beliefs, Phelps developed problems with his family, particularly his relationship with his father. This served as the foundation for Phelps's eventual estrangement from his family (2). Phelps allegedly entirely shut off his family, refusing to take any of their birthday or Christmas presents and returning them instead, according to several family members (3). California would become Phelps’ new home after he dropped out of Jones College in 1948. He began attending John Muir College and gained notoriety for his street preacher-style open condemnations of campus life. He would call out students and faculty for their “sinful” actions (2). In 1952, he married Marge Marie Simms, and in 1954, he and his wife and their young son moved to Topeka, Kansas. His newly discovered work at the East Side Baptist Church would serve as the foundation for the Westboro Baptist Church. The church's leadership made the decision to start a new branch on the west side of town. They chose Phelps to serve as the pastor of the Westboro Baptist Church (4). Phelps, interestingly, stepped into the legal realm, specifically civil rights law. Phelps received his undergraduate degree in 1962 from Washburn University in Topeka, and in 1964 he earned his law degree from the same university. Even though Phelps earned his law degree, the way he obtained it was not particularly straightforward. The reputation Phelps gained in his community was overwhelmingly negative. To join the state bar, Phelps needed a judge to vouch for his “good character. Not a single judge would attest to his character, and instead, Phelps supplied awards he won while in the Eagle Scouts and a letter he says he received from U.S. President Harry S. Truman. He was admitted to the bar in 1964 (5). At 84 years old, Fred Phelps died on March 19th, 2014. He reportedly died from natural causes but had been experiencing symptoms of dementia. The church had excommunicated him, according to his son, Nathan Phelps. A group of individuals painting a house with the LGBTQ rainbow were referred to as "good people" by Fred. The WBC has refuted this assertion, although it is supported by several members of the organization. Others swiftly took his place and began preaching in his absence (6). Church History The Westboro Baptist Church held its first service on November 27, 1955. Phelps quickly cut ties with the East Side Baptist Church. Phelps strongly argues that Westboro Baptist, while aligned with Primitive Baptism, does not belong to any denomination. Regarding denominational alignment, Phelps states, "No genuine Baptist church is." "Baptists, by definition, are independent, autonomous, and fiercely so. No genuine Baptist church is going to be giving up its sovereignty." Primitive Baptists believe a predetermined number of people were chosen for redemption before the world was created, and they will be saved on judgment day (7). Phelps's malicious approach to preaching would result in church leaders and members parting ways with the WBC, leaving Phelps with a small audience that was made up mainly of his close family. To this day, the church is only composed of his family and friends. At its peak, nearly 100 people belonged to the WBC, but over time, some family members distanced themselves from the group and even went as far as to denounce the church and its doctrine publicly. In 1991, Gage Park became the WBC’s first picketing target. According to the WBC, homosexuals would congregate in Gage Park. This was the beginning of the group's nationwide appearances. In only a few years, they were making their rounds all over the country, gaining local and national attention. Often being met with counter-protesters, some fights would break out, but the WBC is not a physically violent group. Phelps's children, practicing lawyers, would defend the WBC and target those who opposed the group. Many Topekan locals feared speaking his name on television or any outlet due to the fear of being sued. According to their main website, they have publicly preached over 73,000 times in 1076 cities, including some in Middle Eastern countries (8). The Westboro Baptist Church supreme court case, officially known as Snyder v. Phelps, was a historic United States Supreme Court decision decided in 2011. Albert Snyder, the father of a dead Marine named Matthew Snyder, filed a lawsuit against members of the Westboro Baptist Church, including Fred Phelps, for purposefully causing mental distress, among other things. The Westboro Baptist Church had picketed at Matthew Snyder's burial with posters saying things including "Thank God for Dead Soldiers”. The United States Supreme Court decided in favor of the Westboro Baptist Church in an 8-1 decision, ruling that its activities were legal forms of free expression under the First Amendment (9). Even while it is still operational, the WBC has seen a significant drop in interest. They were at the pinnacle of their success in the 2010s and have since faded into obscurity. Objectives & Ideology The WBC bases its philosophy on an unequivocal rejection of homosexuality as well as several references to anti-Semitism. They are adamant that society's growing acceptance of LGBTQ+ rights is an insult to God that should be punished. They consider homosexuality to be punishable by death and believe that God is punishing society because of the growing acceptance of homosexuality. This stems from their strict adherence to specific passages from the Bible that they perceive as opposing same-sex relations. In other words, scriptural literalism. Five-Point Calvinism is the theological system upon which the WBC runs. Five-Point Calvinism (TULIP) is a comprehensive theological system within the Reformed Christian tradition. It is not followed by many churches due to most Christians opposing its structure and ideals. It includes the following fundamental doctrines: Total Depravity, highlighting humanity's intrinsic wickedness and its need for divine favor to be saved; Unconditional Election, which asserts that God has predestined individuals for salvation based on His sovereign will; Limited Atonement, which teaches that Jesus Christ's sacrifice was made particularly for the elect rather than generically for everyone; The doctrines of irresistible grace, which claim that people who receive God's grace cannot reject or oppose it, and perseverance of the saints, which hold that the elect will stay firm in their faith and salvation until the end of their lives (10). Their ideas extend beyond just condemning homosexuality. War, natural disasters, and tragedy, in the eyes of the WBC, are considered manifestations of divine vengeance. They see America as a refuge for sin, which is why it has experienced disaster. They saw the 9/11 attacks and school massacres as divine retribution for accepting homosexuality. These beliefs have received widespread condemnation from not only Americans but also from people and religious organizations around the world. Along with fervent anti-homosexual beliefs, the WBC also preaches anti-Semitism and Islamophobia. In 1996, responding to an FAQ, the WBC stated, “As Hitler controlled the courts, prosecutors, and police (Gestapo) in persecuting German Jews, so do Topeka Jews today in persecuting Baptists. As first-century Jews stirred up the Roman tyrants by persecuting the primitive church, so do Topeka Jews today stir up Kansas tyrants by persecuting Westboro Baptists. They whine about the Nazi Holocaust while they perpetrate the Topeka Holocaust”. The WBC defends its anti-Semitism by asserting that "Jews and homosexuals" were in control of Nazi Germany and that Jews are committing the holocaust against the WBC (11). Many of their song parodies are connected to anti-Semitism. In the eyes of the WBC, even other Christian denominations are not in line with God. In a section of their website, they state, "Methodist, Episcopal, Lutheran, Presbyterian, Catholic, Northern and Southern Baptist, Church of Christ, Assembly of God, etc. have all departed from God”. Throughout their website and appearances, the WBC openly condemns other churches and regards them as not “true churches of Jesus Christ” (12). While the WBC’s beliefs and practices are universally condemned by religious and civil rights groups, its existence has opened an avenue for discussion on freedom of expression, free speech, and whether some speech should be outright banned. Some believe that the WBC should be banned from gathering, and some believe that regardless of their ideals, they should be allowed to express their beliefs. While only having a membership of less than 100, its impact as a divisive religious group cannot be ignored. Approach to action As one of the most outspoken hate groups in America, picketing is the key part of their attempts to organize. They have been spotted in various locations. Funerals for homosexual individuals, memorial services for fallen troops, LGBTQ gatherings, and even funerals for children slain in the Sandy Hook elementary school tragedy are among their most notable events. They would carry banners during the event that mocked and denigrated those who had died. "God hates Fags," "Thank God for Dead Soldiers," and "God hates America" were among their most well-known catchphrases. According to Fred Phelps, the organization spends $250,000 annually on picketing. Bus fares, airline tickets, and other fees all contribute to these prices (13). On the official WBC website, they have a section dedicated to song parodies that they have conducted. A few examples include a parody of “Feel Good Inc.” by Gorillaz titled “Fear God”, and “Bohemian Rhapsody” by Queen titled “Bohemian Tragedy”. They have made over 160 parodies. To add to the parodies, there are 61 music videos that they have released over the course of these parodies (14). The WBC justifies its activities by claiming to carry a divine message, stating that God's wrath is being directed toward society as a result of its acceptance of homosexuality. They see their demonstrations as an instance of religious obligation, an instrument to warn society of what they see as coming divine wrath. Additional Resources

Insurgency Overview Ansaru is an Islamic, Jihadist fundamentalist organisation and terrorist group which is based in the northeast of Nigeria in and around Kano State (Cook, 2013). Originally a faction of Boko Haram, the group became officially independent in 2012 after it stated that Boko Haram’s style of operations were inhumane and damaging to Muslims, and in particular “the attacks against Muslims and innocent non-Muslims” (Pantucci and Jesperson, 2015). Post-2015, the group became effectively dormant and ceased to commit attacks due to several of its members defecting and joining Boko Haram (Zenn, 2017). History & Foundations Although Ansaru’s origins are unclear, it is known that the group emerged as a faction of Boko Haram, a Nigerian Islamist organisation which launched an uprising in 2009. This initial rebellion failed and it led to Abubakar Adam Kambar and Khalid Barnawi – some of the members of Boko Haram who later on became leaders of Ansaru – fleeing to surrounding states where they were sheltered by ‘friendly’ al-Qaeda linked organisations such as AQIM (International Crisis Group, 2014, p27). Receiving training from AQIM and Al-Shabaab, they forged close alliances with the aforementioned groups and Abubakar Adam Kambar as well as Khalid Barnawi both gained sophisticated skills. This eventually led to the formation of Ansaru due to the disapproval of Boko Haram's insurgency effectively becoming al-Qaeda's branch in Nigeria. Abubakar Adam Kambar was elected as the leader of Ansaru in 2012. However, when he was killed in a raid in August of 2012, Khalid Barnawi was elected to replace him and he subsequently became the group's leader (International Crisis Group, 2014, p27). In deduction from the wider electoral procedures of similar groups in the region, Barnawi was elected due to his position as the second-highest ranked person in the organisation when Kambar was killed in the 2012 raid. Following an €11 million ransom payment for French hostages which AQIM and the group had captured, Barnawi received 50 million naira as his share and he attempted to donate 40 million naira to Abubakar Shekau, the leader of Boko Haram at the time. Nevertheless, this almost immediately created disagreements within Boko Haram over whether or not the money should go towards the relatives of killed fighters or towards operations (International Crisis Group, 2014, p27). Shekau and Barnawi eventually reconciled and began planning operations together, such as the raid on Lebanese-owned civil engineering company Setraco (BBC Africa, 2013). Following several years of activity, the group held a meeting in 2015 in order to discuss whether or not the group should unite with ISIL, like Boko Haram had done. At this meeting, the group decided to remain independent, causing several members to defect to Boko Haram. This led to Ansaru becoming relatively dormant and a subsequent halt in attacks in Nigeria (Zenn, 2017). Although physically dormant, the group continued to maintain an online presence and posted messages from its telegram praising al-Qaeda leaders and also posting messages of support from members on Facebook (Zenn, 2017). Nevertheless, in January 2020, Ansaru claimed its first operation since 2013 in which it ambushed a Nigerian military convoy, claiming to kill 22 Nigerian soldiers and destroying several armoured vehicles (Weiss, 2020). In 2022 the group also reaffirmed its allegiance to al-Qaeda in a statement which it released online, stating “Ansar al Muslimeen is active in the north of Nigeria, near the borders of Niger and Benin to the north and west” (Weiss, 2022). Objectives & Ideology Ansaru’s ideological position is similar to other al-Qaeda aligned groups and is more internationally orientated unlike Boko Haram's more domestic focus. The group also remained severely critical of Boko Haram's indiscriminate killing of civilians and this follows claims by Barnawi prior to his arrest (BBC Africa, 2016) that his followers, members of Ansaru, would not kill innocent non-Muslims except in “self-defence” (The Jamestown Foundation, 2012). The group also referenced the founder of the Sokoto Caliphate, Usman dan Fodio, and this mentioning of a famous religious figure from local history shows that the group may be using the local history to imply a claim to rulership over the area (The Jamestown Foundation, 2012). Military Capabilities The group, prior to its decline in 2015, was equipped with small arms much like other groups in the region and its tactics mirror other groups in the region. Its raid on the Setraco construction site, however, shows some sophistication in its operations as it launched diversionary attacks on both a prison and a police station which allowed it to raid the construction site (International Crisis Group, 2014). Approach to Resistance Prior to its decline, the group was violent in its pursuit of its aims. It utilised attacks against military convoys in order to eliminate those it considered opponents and its record was curiously marked by a lack of attacks on innocent civilians from the areas in which it operated. Potentially linked to its declaration that it would not kill innocent non-Muslims except in “self-defence” (The Jamestown Foundation, 2012) it has kidnapped several non-Muslims, demanding ransoms ranging into the millions of dollars. However it has performed executions on these hostages after attempts from varying governments failed to rescue them (NEWS WIRES, 2013). International Relations & Potential Alliances The organisation does not have many international relations and alliances. Nevertheless, due to its declaration of allegiance to al-Qaeda, this could be considered as its only international alliance and the training of its former leaders, Abubakar Adam Kambar and Khalid Barnawi, by AQIM and al-Shabaab mean that the group could have domestic alliances with other local al-Qaeda aligned groups if they pursued them. The group does have operational ties to AQIM’s Sahelian branch, Jama’at Nasr al-Islam wal Muslimin (JNIM), who have provided Ansaru with small-arms which have been captured from conflicts in the Sahel (Weiss, 2022). Additional Resources

Insurgency Overview The Bolivarian Forces of Liberation (Fuerzas Bolivarianas de Liberación - FBL), known locally as “los boliches”, are a militant leftist organisation based in the Apure state of Venezuela. The group was formed in 1986 and gained prominence in the 1990s following a series of attacks against corrupt officials. Allegedly, many members of the group are former affiliates of pro-government gangs called “colectivos” (Human Rights Watch, 2020). Currently, the group is known to operate along the Venezuelan-Colombian border, particularly in the states of Apure, Táchira, and Barinas (Insight Crime, 2023). History & Foundations The group was formed in 1986 due to a lack of left-wing influence within the Venezuelan political sphere. Following the election of Hugo Chavez, Venezuela’s first leftist president, the group vocally expressed their support for the new government and pledged support for the Bolivarian Revolution, which -- according to Chavez himself -- sought to develop an inter-American coalition in order to implement Bolivarian socialism (Bolivarianism) at a regional level, all while promoting nationalism and reinforcing a state-led economy. Years later, between 2005 to 2008, the group fractured due to issues regarding the morality of their financing, much of which came from extortion and kidnapping. The FBL integrated a group called the Patriotic Forces of National Liberation (Fuerzas Patrióticas de Liberación Nacional, FPLN), a militia that considered itself more focused on the original political vision of the group. As of today, the names FBL and FPLN are used interchangeably, and there no longer seems to be any divide within the group. While the FBL is militant in nature, their recent successes are more notable in the field of politics, specifically in running in local elections and conducting activist work. That being said, it seems as though the group has abandoned all previous social media presence, with their official website having been inactive since June 2014 and their Twitter account having been recently suspended. Objectives & Ideology The FBL’s official ideology is Bolivarianism, a left-wing South American ideology characterized by its socialist and pan-hispanic ideals. The organization is also known to espouse nationalist and Marxist principles, many of which they promote on the local level through social work. After Hugo Chavez’s inauguration as the Venezuelan president in 1999, the group voiced their endorsement for him and his socialist agenda. Years after his death, however, the group grew disillusioned with his successor, Nicolás Maduro, and the subsequent path of the Bolivarian Revolution. The group cited Maduro’s policy of currency intervention as a betrayal of Chavez’s socialist legacy and accused him of collaborating with the oligarchy to taint the Bolivarian project (Fuerzas Bolivarianas de Liberación, 2014). Additionally, the group has declared that members of the Venezuelan opposition are their military targets and vowed to destroy members of the Venezuelan “bourgeoisie” (ABC Color, 2013). Reportedly, the group also claims that their presence on the Colombian-Venezuelan border serves to repel a possible invasion by the United States (Barráez, 2019). Furthermore, the group has established close connections with various local agrarian and communal organizations, and is even credited with founding the Bolívar y Zamora Revolutionary Current (CRBZ), a local peasant activist group known for its social work (Insight Crime, 2023). As of today, the CRBZ is considered the face of the organization and the official legal and political entity of the FBL. Approach to Resistance Historically, the FBL’s military and militant operations have been relatively violent in nature. In September 1991, for instance, the group conducted a failed assassination attempt against Congressman Antonio Ríos and targeted the home of former Venezuelan President Jaime Lusinchi with an arson bomb. The following November, two FBL members stabbed the former director of the Venezuelan Social Security Institute, Pedro César Izquiel, to death (Reuter-EFE-AFP, 1992). These actions were part of what the FBL referred to as a campaign against corrupt officials (Insight Crime, 2023). Later, in 2003, the group was suspected of being responsible for the C4 bombings of the Colombian and Spanish Embassy in Caracas after pamphlets signed by the FBL were allegedly found at the scene of the attacks. However, the FBL denied any involvement (Medina, 2003). Two years later, in 2005, it was reported that the group had over 4,000 members, most of whom were operating clandestinely in the state of Apure (Diaz, 2005). There has also been some level of controversy within the FBL’s approach to resistance, as the group was accused by a local priest of recruiting child soldiers into their ranks in 2011, another claim that the FBL denied (Marquez, 2012). To fund and finance their activities, the group is known to impose taxes on illicit trade and illegal economies.​​ This is similar to the ‘revolutionary taxes’ that other leftist militant organisations have imposed in the region. In addition, they reportedly extort locals and control several river crossings used to smuggle cattle and gasoline into Colombia (Insight Crime, 2023). The FBL is also known to engage in acts of political intimidation– in 2016 the group posted the following letter in front of an apartment building threatening residents to remove a rooftop billboard advocating for the freedom of opposition candidate Leopoldo López (RunRun.es, 2016). The letter reads the following: "The Bolivarian Liberation Forces require all the inhabitants of this building, within a term of 24 hours, which culminate at 08:00 hours on Sunday, February 28, 2018, to remove the billboard of the criminal Leopoldo Lopez that is located on the rooftop. Otherwise we will take other, more radical actions. With Bolivar we say - all power to the people! Here what failed was capitalism! Military civic popular unit! Socialism is the output!”. More recently, the group assaulted an opposition mayoral candidate in Barinas State, threatening him with a 9mm pistol and an UZI (Barráez, 2021). Regarding weaponry, the group has been observed with an array of firearms in their YouTube videos which include M16-style assault rifles and submachine guns While the exact size and structure of the group remain unknown, the identity of one of the main leaders of their military wing has been revealed as Jerónimo Paz, also known as El Flaco (Insight Crime, 2023) (Barráez, 2021). Political Alliances & Opposition Movements The group is known to share territory with Colombian rebel groups such as the National Liberation Army (Ejército de Liberación Nacional - ELN) and dissidents of the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (Fuerzas Armadas Revolucionarias de Colombia - FARC) in southwestern Venezuela. While relations with the FARC have remained cordial, the group has reportedly been at war with the ELN for years over territorial disputes (Barráez, 2022). Moreover, leaked files reveal that the group has also received logistical support and combat training from FARC dissidents, which has allowed the group to improve their military capabilities (Stone, 2011). According to InSight Crime, the group reportedly operates with impunity from local authorities, as several members of the group are government officials, one of whom is a member of the National Assembly and another who is the mayor of the Paéz municipality in Apure state. In 2022, 50 armed ELN militants seized the town of La Gabarra, which was previously controlled by the FBL. The group responded by launching several military operations to recover their territory (Barráez, 2022). That same year, the Venezuelan military conducted raids on multiple properties owned by the group, during which vehicles and money were reportedly seized, and members of the group were arrested (Barráez, 2023). This led for the FBL to claim that they were being targeted by the Venezuelan government for their opposition to the ELN. Despite this, the FBL is still reported to operate with the covert tolerance of the Venezuelan government, and maintains close ties to local authorities and security forces (Human Rights Watch, 2020). Additional Resources

Note: This is not the official flag of the JAM, but rather a reproduction containing the flag of Trinidad and Tobago (as this is the country they are active in). Insurgency Overview Jamaat al Muslimeen (JAM), meaning "Community of Muslims", is a Sunni Islamist fundamentalist group based in Trinidad and Tobago which grew to popularity within the country’s Black Muslim minority population. The group was founded by Yassin Abu Bakr, a Trinidadian Islamic convert, in the 1980s upon his return from Libya, where he had been living as a guest of Muammar Gadaffi (BBC News, 2019). The JAM rose to international prominence in 1990 for attempting to overthrow the Trinidadian government, making this coup the only attempted Islamist uprising in Latin America and the Caribbean. While the group has become more focused on Islamic education and community projects over the years, they have also been accused of various crimes, ranging from drug trafficking and murder to acts of terrorism. History & Foundations In the mid-1980s, the JAM launched an anti-drug campaign and engaged in vigilante justice, driving drug dealers out of neighbourhoods and seizing both weapons and narcotics. Several years later, in 1990, the JAM staged a coup against the government of Trinidad and Tobago, where over 114 members of the group were involved. The group conducted bomb attacks on police headquarters, stormed the parliament, and led attacks on television and radio stations. Several people -- including the acting Prime Minister at the time -- were taken hostage and over 24 people were killed. The ordeal lasted 6 days before the militants surrendered to the army (Collihan and Danopoulos,1993). During an interview with Al Jazeera in 2017, Umar Abdullah, a former member of the JAM, expressed his disagreement with the group's decision to surrender to the military, claiming that he had been willing to die fighting for the establishment of an Islamic State in Trinidad. However, he claimed that he now advocates for its establishment through peaceful means. In the same interview, it was revealed that one of Abdullah's close friends, Fareed Mustapha, had left Trinidad for the Islamic State (IS) and died fighting in Syria. Another former JAM member, Imam Nazim Mohammed, reportedly had 15 of his relatives and 91 members of his mosque also flee to Syria for the same reasons (Ruhfus, 2017). During the brief existence of the caliphate, more than 130 Trinidadians reportedly fled to Syria, giving Trinidad the highest per capita rate of individuals joining the Islamic State in the Western Hemisphere (Caribbean Investigative Journalism Network, 2019). Ideology & Objectives Reports indicate that the JAM had multiple motivations for their efforts to overthrow the Trinidadian government. Among these reasons were allegations of government corruption and mismanagement, along with perceived discrimination faced by their community due to the government's assertion that their mosque was occupying land illegally. Additionally, the group expressed dissatisfaction with the government's rejection of a medicine shipment provided by them from Libya, as well as concerns about the increased presence of military personnel near a JAM commune (Immigration and Refugee Board of Canada, 2000). The coup attempt was ultimately unsuccessful, and the group's leaders were arrested and charged with treason. However, the events of the coup and its aftermath had a significant impact on the political landscape of Trinidad and Tobago, and the organization has continued to be a controversial and somewhat influential force in the country. In 2021, the JAM appointed Sadiq Al Razi as their new imam, following the death of founder Yasin Abu Bakr in October (Berkeley, 2021). The following year, Imam Al Razi announced that the group would not “dabble in politics” on the anniversary of the attempted coup and would instead use the day to pray, fast, and feed the poor. Over the years, the JAM has focused on hosting community events that promote Islamic education, while also fulfilling the basic responsibilities of a mosque, such as conducting prayers, burials, and providing charity. Additionally, the mosque runs a school and maintains an active presence on Facebook, using the platform to share photos and videos of their community service activities. This reform highlights the ideological transition of the JAM, as it seems to have become more apolitical and focused on social work. Approach to Resistance In 2005, police raided a JAM compound and found an assault rifle, several rounds of ammunition, and a grenade (Seelal, 2005). That same year, the group was suspected of being involved in a series of bombings in Port-a-Spain, an allegation which the group denied. A group member was also caught attempting to smuggle 70 submachine guns and 10 silencers from Fort Lauderdale, USA to Trinidad (Lacey, 2007). In 2007, two Guyanese men charged with an attempted plot to bomb John F. Kennedy Airport in New York reportedly had connections to JAM (Walker, 2007), one of the men, a Guyanese politician by the name of Abdul Kadir, was also an alleged Iranian agent (Humire, 2015). Additionally, members of the group have been accused of participating in the murder of Congresswoman Dana Seethal in 2014 (Immigration and Refugee Board of Canada, 2016). At one point, the group also reportedly maintained ties with the Nation of Islam as well as militant groups in Iran and Libya (Immigration and Refugee Board of Canada, 2000). Despite the group's seemingly-tumultuous past, they have often been characterized as a local criminal gang rather than an international terrorist organization. However, their reputation in Trinidad is varied, with some people viewing them as a terrorist group and criminal gang, and others viewing them as a more legitimate community organization. Additional Resources

Overview & Introduction The Brown Berets are a semi-militant Chicano rights political organization active in California and other parts of the United States. Formed in 1967, the group is primarily composed of Mexican-Americans (referred to as Chicanos) and have historically campaigned against the Vietnam War, police brutality, and for farm worker rights (Estrada, n.d.). They have also supported secession of the Southwestern United States to Mexico. Ideology & Values The Brown Berets have referred to themselves as anti-racist, anti-imperialist, anti-capitalist, and anti-fascist. They were part of the former Third World Liberation Front, a coalition of several minority student unions at San Francisco State University (Navarro et al., 1995). The group has most recently campaigned for the rights of illegal immigrants in California and other Southwestern states through peaceful protests and marches (Holmes et al., 2021). Approach to Resistance At their peak, the Brown Berets had chapters in over 12 states (Estrada, n.d.) and often led anti-war marches and pro-education walkouts with thousands of protesters (Mejías-Rentas, 2022). The group became known for its direct action and large protests against incidents of police brutality (Flores, 2020). In 1972, the Brown Berets occupied the California Island of Catalina for 3 weeks, demanding the land be returned to Mexico (Mejia, 2020). Similar to the Black Panthers, they ran social programs such as food distribution and a free clinic (Navarro et al., 1995). Militant Abilities It was reported that in 2017 the group offered free firearm and self-defence classes for brown women. According to one of the group's several Instagram accounts,@916nationalbrownberets, they have organized several protests against police killings of Chicano youth in various states and have also campaigned for legislation change to benefit workers rights in states like Milwaukee and California. The group has also been known to unite with the United Farm Workers Union and join them at protests. As of today, the group leads various community food and supply drives as well as other types of charity work. Gallery Additional Resources

Insurgency Overview Alpha 66 is an ultranationalist, anti-Castro militant organization headquartered in Miami, Florida that rose to prominence within Florida’s Cuban exile community in the 1970s (McPherson, 2018). Composed of Cuban political exiles, Alpha 66 had wide support from Americans and were allowed to operate by the United States government for their anti-communist ideals, even receiving limited funding and training from the CIA at one point. This support was short lived however, as the group acted without permission of the CIA several times and had their funding cut (Federal Bureau of Investigation, 1964). History & Foundations Founded in the early 1960’s by Cuban exiles seeking to overthrow the government of Fidel Castro, Alpha 66 was a commando-style paramilitary organization that operated alongside other anti-castro militant groups at the time (McPherson, 2018). In 1977, the group claimed to have 63 active chapters. Interestingly, many of the original members of Alpha 66 had fought alongside Fidel Castro to topple the Fulgencio Batista regime and believed Castro to have betrayed their original ideas of liberty and freedom. Some of these members also served in the United States Army and were members of US Army intelligence services following their exile (Federal Bureau of Investigation, 1964). Militant Abilities By the mid-1970s a significant number of Alpha 66 members lost hope in overthrowing the Cuban government by force and instead opted for promoting peace talks between the US and Cuba. This led members of the group to splinter and form different organizations. Additionally, the group began to lose government support by the 1980s and was subject to a crackdown by US authorities seeking to limit the strength of Cuban terrorist cells due to the normalization of relations between the US and Cuba (McPherson, 2018). Approach to Resistance While many of Alpha 66’s attacks were obscure and never reported, they claimed to have sent several groups of militants to sabotage Cuban installations in the 1960s (Pear, 1981) and were known to have conducted extensive firearms training in the Florida Everglades to replicate the tropical environment of Cuba. Additionally, in 1995, members of Alpha 66 claimed that they were currently conducting drive-by shootings on tourist beaches in Cuba. In 1981, several members of the group were arrested and detained by the FBI for attempting to transport pipe bombs, grenades, and heavy firearms to an undisclosed training camp in the Caribbean (Pear, 1981). While the group has mainly fallen into obscurity over the past decade, it is still reported that there are several active cells in Miami. Additional Resources

Insurgency Overview Few groups are as fascinating from an analytical perspective as the Japanese new religion cult, Aum Shinrikyo. Founded in 1987, the organisation’s apocalyptic belief system meshed with a frightening level of scientific competence. The 1995 Tokyo Subway attack was the result of this risky convergence of end-times fantasies and CBW (chemical-biological weapons) production. Aum (now called Aleph), still operates today, though at a much smaller and more restricted scale. History & Foundations Apocalyptic imagery became an important aspect of post- World War II Japan, a clear psychological impact of the atomic bombings of Hiroshima and Nagasaki. The founder of Aum Shinrikyo, Shoko Ashara (born Chizuo Matsumoto) capitalized on this. The mostly blind Asahara showed an inclination towards authoritarianism at an early age. His domineering nature isolated him from his peers, but it did not stop the young man from having dreams of leading, even telling his teachers that he hoped to one day be Prime Minister.(1) Following a handful of failed business ventures and run-ins with the law, Asahara turned to new religion. A new religion is a spiritual movement with roots in the modern era and are often deemed cults. Aum was founded in 1987 and became popular, with Asahara giving speeches at universities and recruiting medical and scientific minds, even creating its own anime to spread Asahara’s message. What started out with yoga quickly expanded to include a whole set of practices, infused with an apocalyptic narrative that the only way to save the world was to destroy it. The end point of this was the 1995 subway attack, which led to a crack down of the group by the Japanese government.(2) In 2007, it split into two groups: Aleph and Hikari no Wa, the latter group’s members seeking to distance themselves from Asahara.(3) Ideology & Objectives Though Asahara mixed elements from Hinduism, Buddhism, and Christianity, the most important aspect of the group’s belief system is “that world salvation could be achieved only by bringing about the deaths of just about everyone on this earth.”(4) Aum followers believed that humans had been so corrupted by desire, particularly by the consumerism of the time, that they were irredeemable. Believing Armageddon was imminent and would be instigated by a third World War provoked by the United States (it saw the U.S. as the main exporter of consumerism and capitalism), Asahara constructed an end-times fantasy that required adherence to Aum’s belief system in order for humanity to navigate through the tragedy. Salvation, therefore, could only be achieved by the spread of Aum communes called Lotus villages and the elimination of non-Aum members.(5) Military & Political Capabilities Thanks to its recruitment of scientific minds and military members, the cult developed a frightening capacity at deploying weapons of mass destruction. At its height, Aum was capable of procuring or developing chemical, biological, and even radiological weapons. Asahara, who was obsessed with the atomic bombings of Hiroshima and Nagasaki, aimed to use the “poor man’s atom bomb,” that being sarin, to bring about armageddon. They acquired these weapons thanks to their heavy recruitment of scientists, who were able to manufacture biological weapons such as botulinum toxin and chemical weapons like sarin and VX. The cult ordered equipment by disguising its efforts as computer manufacturing to order chips from the United States. Aum’s scientists learned the formulas to develop different chemical agents through Russian scientists, whose poor financial situation in the wake of the Soviet Union’s collapse made them prone to bribery. They even ordered and received an MI-17 helicopter from Russia, which was capable of dispersing chemical agents.(6) In the wake of the Tokyo Subway attack, Aum’s infrastructure was dismantled, as was any political capacity it had. Whereas Asahara once lectured at and recruited from top universities, Aum is now deemed a “dangerous organization” by the Japanese government, subjected to intense surveillance, and must regularly report its membership numbers. Being split into two groups as it is now does not help, though a 2018 estimate put the combined membership at around 1500.(7) The groups are unwelcome in areas they reside, with signs and banners often warning those of their presence. Approach to Resistance Aum carried out assassinations to silence critics that threatened the group. The most notable example was the murder of Japanese lawyer, Tsutsumi Sakamoto, and his family in 1989. Sakamoto was attempting to aid those who wanted out of the cult.(8) In another instance, the group spread sarin gas using a van equipped with a rudimentary spraying device. In this instance, the cult was attempting to kill judges hearing a fraud case against them. This goal was not accomplished, however eight were left dead and some 270 more suffered injuries or symptoms.(9) Violence came to internal dissidents as well. Members who threatened to leave were tortured and in extreme cases murdered. One instance of this came in the fall of 1994, when 20 members of the group were executed with VX gas.(10) The most infamous attack carried out by the group came on March 20, 1995. Feeling increasing pressure from law enforcement, Aum decided to carry out its most ambitious attack, hoping to expedite the end of the world. Five members boarded the Tokyo Subway system and punctured bags containing sarin gas. The rushed, imperfect concoction of sarin spread through the train cars and platform areas used by over six million people a day. Had a more pure form of sarin been used, the death toll could have been unimaginable. 12 people died and over 5,000 people reported injuries or symptoms.(11) A 2019 car ramming in Tokyo left nine injured. The perpetrator claimed he carried out the attack in response to the execution of those behind the 1995 subway attack.(12) International Relations & Potential Alliances In the 1990s, Aum operated in many former nations of the Soviet Union. As mentioned previously, they used the day-to-day difficulties in post-Soviet Russia to obtain important information and material to construct chemical and biological weapons. It also managed to recruit new disciples, intaking an estimated 35-50,0000 Russian members.(13) Australia was also a site where Aum operated, its remote countryside perfect for discreetly testing chemical weapons. In the aftermath of the subway attack, foreign countries cracked down just as Japan did. Aum is labeled a terrorist organization by many states, including Japan and Russia. The United States formerly designated the group, but the State Department removed them from the list of Foreign Terrorist Organizations in 2022, citing a lack of activity. This has not stopped Aum from trying foreign activity. In 2016, Montenegro deported 58 Aum members. The same year, Russia raided 25 of the group’s properties. Additional Resources

*Note: The Red Dragon militia group do not have an official flag. This is the flag of the self-proclaimed State of Ambazonia which they represent. Insurgency Overview The Red Dragons are a Cameroonian separatist militia originating from western Cameroon who, since 2017, have engaged in an armed conflict with the national government in order to separate and gain recognition for The Republic of Ambazonia in what is known as the Anglophone Crisis. The Anglophone Crisis is an active conflict in Cameroon that has taken an estimated 4000 lives and displaced 700,000 people. The conflict originated from English speaking minority groups in Western Cameroon who declared their region's independence and called themselves The Republic of Ambazonia.(1) History & Foundations The Red Dragons were set up in 2017 and led by Lekeaka Oliver in order to support the Ambazonian claim to independence and engage Cameroon's armed forces in the territory of Ambazonia. (2) 20% of Cameroon's population are English speaking (anglophone) and have been marginalised and discriminated against by the majority-French speaking population. Cameroon did not recognise Ambazonias independence and has brutally cracked down on protests and Ambazonian activists which led to the creation of multiple militia groups such as the Red Dragons who have declared their loyalty to the interim government of Ambazonia whose members had all fled Cameroon. Most of these leaders had fled to neighbouring Nigeria.(3) The Cameroonian government used heavy handed tactics, such as forcefully shutting down peaceful protests, against moderate Ambazonian separatists which pushed much of the local population to support the militias and this has allowed the Red Dragon militia to create a vast network of safe houses and support systems to keep their militia going.(4) They began engaging government forces in small towns and villages of Cameroon's English speaking western regions and attempted to make the area ungovernable for the Cameroonian armed forces. The Ambazonian separatists have, since 2017, announced a boycott of French speaking schools and these schools have since become one of the prominent targets in this conflict as many separatist groups, including the Red Dragons have regularly attacked schools and murdered children for not adhering to the boycott. In 2020 there were brief and unsuccessful peace talks between the Ambazonian government and Cameroonian government.(5) In 2022 The Red Dragons leader, Lekeaka Oliver was captured and killed by Cameroonian soldiers. His corpse was displayed publicly and the Cameroonian military claimed they displayed his corpse as a warning to other separatists, however, it is likely that they did this just in order to prove they had actually killed him. This is believed to of happened as the Cameroonian army had claimed multiple times before that he had been killed and he would repeatedly appear publicly or in videos denying the claims surrounding his death and announcing that he was still alive.(6) Ideology & Objectives The objectives of The Red Dragons is to expel the Cameroonian government from the western Anglophone regions of Cameroon and to establish an independent internationally recognised Republic of Ambazonia. They see themselves strictly as a military force loyal to the Ambazonian government.(3) The Red Dragons can be compared to other resistance or terrorist groups, such the IRA who, in its early years, regarded their sole duty as removing those who they considered the oppressors from their territory and leaving the political manoeuvring and ideology to other people. Military & Political Capabilities The Red Dragons exact membership numbers are unknown but it is said to be in the hundreds. This is not a huge number for an active separatist group but they do work in conjunction with other Ambazonian separatist militias who share intel, supplies and resources which strengthen their abilities. (7) Heavily reliant upon local farmers and villagers to provide them with food and safe houses, which their fighters use when they are on the run, much of the group's weaponry and equipment comes from Anglophone (English speaking) deserters within the Cameroonian military. There are very big drives from Ambazonians to convince Anglophone Cameroonians in the Cameroonian army to desert and donate their supplies and weaponry to the separatist groups. Politically The Red Dragons are loyal to the exiled Interim Government of Ambazonia and all actions they carry out are carried out to support the control over Ambazonia by the interim government. There has been no indication that The Red Dragons have desires themselves to exert political power and they appear to simply be a militia which intends to lay down its arms and its members to return to civilian life once the Cameroonian government is pushed out of Ambazonia.(7) Approach to Resistance Red Dragon has been described as operating a classic rural insurgency. They do not hold territory but rather operate in the shadows and launch attacks at Cameroonian institutions and security forces with the objective of weakening their hold on the region. The Red Dragon targets anything that is seen as part of the infrastructure of the Cameroonian state therefore they have burnt down state schools and bombed hospitals. These same acts have also been committed by the Cameroonian government in their fight against the separatists.(5) The Red Dragons gained most of their notoriety for the way they have attacked and burned down schools as well as murdering, maiming, kidnapping and torturing students. They have also used many schools which they have forcibly closed down as bases or makeshift prisons. The Red Dragons and other separatists have also utilised workers strikes as a means of resistance against the Cameroonian government and have also regularly used roadblocks to prevent humanitarian aid getting into Francophone towns.(1) International Relations & Potential Alliances The Red Dragons are loyal to The Republic of Ambazonia and are recognised and supported by the interim government. There are dozens of smaller militia groups fighting for The Republic of Ambazonia who mostly all work together under an alliance known as The Ambazonian Defence Forces. The Republic of Ambazonia is not officially recognised by any other country in the world but many of its leaders and activists have been granted asylum in the United States and in neighbouring Nigeria. The Republic of Ambazonia has many supporters in the English speaking world and there have been some calls from people in The UK to support the separatists.(8) There is a belief in Britain that there is an obligation to help their fellow English speakers in Cameroon. Labour plans to put a motion through parliament calling on The UK to help in finding a solution to the conflict and to increase humanitarian aid to the anglophone regions. It also states that “the history of Southern Cameroon is inseparable from the history of violent imperialism and that, as much of the current dispute stems from the British Empire’s refusal to grant independence to the Anglophone region of Southern Cameroons in 1961, the UK is complicit in this present day suffering; holds that the Government has a moral duty to act to end the suffering”.(9) Additional Resources

Insurgency Overview The East Turkestan Islamic Movement (ETIM), also known as the Turkistan Islamic Party (TIP) or the East Turkistan Islamic Party (ETIP), is an Islamic separatist group composed mostly of Uighurs in Xinjiang, China who wish to create an Islamic state called East Turkestan that would include parts of Turkey, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Uzbekistan, Pakistan, Afghanistan and Xinjiang (1). The ETIM was founded in 1997 by Hasan Mahsoum. The US, beginning in the Trump administration, asserts that TIP and ETIM are two separate entities and have removed what they consider to be ETIM from the Terrorist Exclusion List, citing a lack of activity despite the fact that Uighur fighters are present in Syria and Afghanistan. According to a State Department spokesperson, "ETIM was removed from the list because, for more than a decade, there has been no credible evidence that ETIM continues to exist as the same organization that was conducting terrorist attacks in Syria at the time of their designation." This stance has continued with the Biden administration (2). For the purposes of this article, even though some sources describe TIP and ETIM as two distinct entities, we will assume that the organizations are one and the same as the UN and other sources make no distinction between the groups (3)(4)(5). In addition, Turkestan is also sometimes translated into English as Turkistan. The article will maintain the two different spellings when the latter is the more common way of describing groups or people in English. History & Foundations Xinjiang (officially the Xinjiang Uighur Autonomous Region, 新疆维吾尔自治区) has historically been on the borders of the various Chinese empires, and was a quasi-element of many of them before being officially annexed by the Qing in the 18th century. In 60 B.C.E. a military commandery named Xiyu was set up by the Western Han dynasty in modern-day Xinjiang, and an extension of the Great Wall was also built. After the third century the area came under control of Uighur people, but in 640 and 702 the Tang dynasty set up two more military commanderies in the region (6). During the Ming dynasty the region was ruled by various Muslim rulers, although Buddhism was still very much prevalent in the region (7). It was officially incorporated into Chinese borders in 1884, when the Qing made Xinjiang a province (6). In the modern era, Xinjiang was under on and off independent rule in the period between the dissolution of the Qing empire and the start of communist rule in China, (1912-1949). The first Islamist uprisings occurred in this period, with the formation of the Islamic Party of Turkestan (Hizbul Islam Li-Turkestan) (8). These uprisings lasted from the 1940s until 1952, producing two short-lived republics (9). After communist victory in the Chinese Civil War, Xinjiang was established as an autonomous region in 1955 (6). It is important to note that Uighurs are not the only Turkic peoples inhabiting Xinjiang. Kazakhs, Kyrgyz, Uzbeks, Tatars and Mongols also live in the region (9). We can see this somewhat in the naming of the parties, both the old Islamic Party of Turkestan and the modern East Turkestan Islamic Movement do not specify “Uighur” anywhere in their names. During Deng Xiaoping’s reform period in the 80s there was a period of Islamic revival in Xinjiang. Importantly Abdul Hakeem, one of the founders of the Islamic Party of Turkestan, was released from prison during this period and began setting up underground religious schools. This helped lead to a period of ethnic and religious awakening in Xinjiang. One of Hakeem’s pupils, Hasan Masoum, would go on to found the East Turkestan Islamic Movement (8). Masoum was later killed by Pakistani forces in 2003 (3). In the late 1990s increased economic investment as well as an influx of ethnic Han Chinese moving in from other parts of China have led to a situation in which there is growing economic inequality between the Han and Turkic peoples, leading to tension (6). Since the 90s there has been an increase in Islamist terrorist activity in Xinjiang, although one should note that many acts classified as terrorism by China can be considered normal crimes, such as robberies, that are classified as terrorism for political purposes (8). ETIM first appeared on the world stage in Russian news reports in 2000. “A Russian press report in August 2000 claimed that the Islamic Movement of Uzbekistan (IMU) had provided military and material assistance to ETIM in exchange for hundreds of thousands of dollars in donations. This Russian newspaper reported that Osama bin Laden had convened a meeting in Kandahar, Afghanistan in 1999 that included the Islamic Movement of Uzbekistan (IMU) and ETIM at which he agreed to give them money.” (8). Further evidence to a relationship with the IMU was provided when U.S. forces captured Uighur fighters under IMU command in Afghanistan (10). Ideology & Objectives ETIM is a militant Islamist nationalist group. Islamist because they have vowed jihad against the “Chinese occupiers of Xinjiang” and nationalist because they seek to form a state for Turkic peoples (8)(11). Their ideology then, is also their objective. ETIM has published a magazine called Islamic Turkistan that describes their ideology in their own words. We can look at a selection of articles from the magazine’s seventh edition to get a peek into the thoughts of the group. Interestingly, the magazine is written in Arabic, not a Turkic language, so most locals would not be able to read it, implying that it is meant to educate outsiders about ETIM. ““Turkistan Seeks Help…Is There a Supporter?” is based on a lecture given in Afghanistan by Shaykh Abu Mohammed al-Turkistani (Abdul Haq al-Turkistani), who reminds listeners of the importance of being prepared for fighting both spiritually and externally. Al-Haq gives an introduction to Turkistan’s geography and its wealth and resources. He says (incorrectly) that Turkistan is the second biggest oil-producing region in the world. The final paragraph is about the war against Muslims in Turkistan to end the region’s Islamic identity and annihilate the mujahideen. This is what he says gave rise to the emergence of [ETIM] in May 1988.” “The Commandment of the Martyr Abdullah Azzam,” is a reminder to all that jihad is a duty for every Muslim. "Your life is jihad…Your pride is in al-jihad…Your existence is closely linked to Jihad." The Jordanian-Palestinian jihad ideologue and spiritual founder of al-Qaeda Abdullah Azzam recommended that Muslim scholars, women and children focus on the religious duty of Jihad.” (11). We also must realize that, similarly to any nationalist group, just because some Uighurs and Turkic peoples desire a state of their own, there are also those who wish to remain a part of the PRC. In addition, ETIM is far from the only Uighur separatist organization, and there are many that are not extremist in nature and do not condone violence (1). Approach to Resistance ETIM is a propaganda-savvy group that will also use violence to carry out its political objectives (10)(11). In China the group’s violent side can be exaggerated by the group itself. For example, between 2008 and 2011, ETIM claimed responsibility for numerous attacks in China, but only one can be credibly linked to the group. Regardless, the PRC is happy to agree with ETIM and attribute the attacks to them in order to justify their treatment of Uighers, blaming the group for more than 200 attacks (1)(10). Overall, the effectiveness and presence of ETIM on Chinese soil is rather low, perhaps due in part to the massive state security infrastructure China contains. Outside of China, however, particularly in Syria, the ETIM is very active. ETIM’s first known instance of participating in combat occurred in the U.S.-led war in Afghanistan. As mentioned previously, Uighur fighters were captured in Afghanistan working under the Islamic Movement of Uzbekistan. ETIM has a presence in Syria known as the Turkistan Islamic Party in Syria - which we will also refer to as ETIM - that is participating in the Syrian Civil War. One of the more famous jihadists in Syria, abu-Omar al-Turkistani, who was titled as an emir, was from Xinjiang. In addition to leading the Syrian branch of ETIM, al-Turkistani was also in a senior leadership position with the al-Nusra Front. He was killed in 2017 in a U.S. drone strike (12). ETIMS has participated in the “Northwestern Syria offensive (April-June 2015), Al-Ghab offensive (July-August 2015), Siege of Abu al-Duhur Airbase [2012-2015]… Northwestern Syria offensive (October-November 2015), Latakia offensive (2015–2016), Aleppo offensive [October-December 2015], Siege of Al-Fu’ah-Kafarya (2015), Aleppo offensive (April 2016) and the Aleppo offensive (May 2016)” (13). Furthermore, ETIM trains child soldiers in Syria at a camp in Idlib, willingly advertising this fact in propaganda posts. The children have been shown learning how to use firearms and attending Sharia classes. ETIM refers to these children as “little jihadists”, and there are girls involved in the training as well. (14)(15) In part due to the activity of ETIM in Syria, China supports Bashar al-Assad in the Syrian Civil War. “On August 16, 2016, a Chinese military delegation visited Damascus and, beyond bilateral cooperation, it discussed the issue of eliminating Turkestan Islamic Party fighters.” (16). Chinese advisors have been training government forces in Syria since 2015 and the al-Assad government in return has supported Chinese claims in the South China Sea (16)(17). Relations & Alliances ETIM maintains close ties with and has received support from both al-Qaeda and the Taliban. These ties are exacerbated by the harsh crackdowns by China in Xinjiang on Uighurs and Muslims in general, forcing the most militant Muslims into neighboring countries like Pakistan or Uzbekistan where they have much more access to Islamist groups (1)(3). As mentioned earlier, ETIM also has relations with Uzbek Islamist groups as well, and from the fighting in Syria many Uighurs have ties with various Middle Eastern Islamist groups. Additional Resources

Group Overview The ‘BTG Wagner Group’ (Battle Tactical Group Wagner; also known as Wagner Group or PMC Wagner) is a Russian mercenary group formed in response to the 2014 conflict in the Donbas Region of Ukraine – during which pro-Russian separatists fought for the secession of the area (1). The mercenary group was established on the 1st of May 2014 by Dmitry Utkin, a former member of the General Staff of the Russian Armed Forces (Glavnoye Razvedyvatelnoye Upravlenie – GRU) and bankrolled by the oligarch Yevgeny Prigozhin. Legally and officially, the Wagner Group does not exist in Russia due to Article 359 of the Russian criminal code which holds a constitutional ban on the “Recruitment, training, financing, or any other material provision of a mercenary” as well as the “Participation by a mercenary in an armed conflict or hostilities.” (2) Despite this ban, the group has been referred to as a ‘quasi-state actor’ due to its alleged links to the Kremlin (3). These allegations stem from the fact that Wagner’s Molkin base (in the Krasnodar region of Russia) sits adjacent to the base of the GRU’s 10th Separate Special Purpose Brigade (4). Although its objectives are relatively obscure and concealed, Wagner tends to operate in resource-rich nations through which Yevgeny Prigozhin’s mining companies are often granted concessions. Furthermore, the group's objectives often align with the Kremlin’s foreign policy ambitions, with the Group operating in the Middle East, Latin America, Europe and Africa (5). History & Foundations Although the origins of the group are contested, prominent scholars have linked the genesis of the Wagner group to a company named ‘Antiterror-Orel’, which undertook security operations for Russian businesses in Iraq. (6) A branch of Antiterror-Oral, the ‘Moran Security Group’ was tasked by the Bashar Al-Assad government in Syria to fight against Islamic State militants (7). Additionally, Moran group members provided security to Russian port facilities, oil tankers, as well as off-shore oil rigs. (8) The Syrian contract resulted in the Moran Security Group establishing a separate entity, the ‘Slavonic Corps’. (9) The Slavonic Corps deployed in 2013 and a series of logistical failures pitted its first combat mission against US-backed Kurdish forces at the Conoco gas plant near Deir al-Zour, in Syria’s eastern region (10). A series of devastating air strikes called in by US forces resulted in massive losses within the Slavonic Corps’ ranks. The humiliation of the defeat led to two of the Corps leaders, Vadim Gusev and Yevgenii Sidorov, being convicted under Russian criminal law for mercenary activities in addition to the dissolution of the Company. (11)(12) Dmitry Utkin, a former GRU member, Moran Security Group officer and prominent neo-nazi participated in the battle of Deir al-Zour under the authority of the Slavonic Corps (13). After the defeat, Utkin returned to Russia. Utkin’s drive to found the Wagner group was notably influenced by the onset of separatist conflict in Ukraine's Donbas region in 2014 and the financial backing of Yevgeny Prigozhin (the aforementioned oligarch). The name of the Wagner Group is derived from Utkin's former GRU callsign – ‘Vagner (14).’ Military Involvement & Political Abilities Due to the ban on Private Military Companies (PMCs) under the Russian constitution, the Wagner Group does not formally exist nor is it officially recognised (15). The Russian invasion of Ukraine however, has brought Wagner into international focus, and its links to the Kremlin are becoming increasingly uncovered. These links became most clear through Prigozhin’s online rants, in which he shamed Russian Defence Minister Sergei Shoigu for the lack of ammunition for his troops. (16) Furthermore, the United Nations Geneva and Mercenary conventions illustrate the difficulty the international community faces in attempts to prosecute mercenary groups. As of August 2021, only 46 of 191 member states ratified the convention due to many states funding their own PMC/PSC groups, such as the United States ‘ACADEMI’ group, formally known as Blackwater. (17) Moreover, nations such as Belarus have signed the convention but continue to train and deploy mercenaries. (18) A series of legal loopholes around Russian companies' permittance to maintain private armed security forces has enabled regular Russian citizens to work for PMCs. Moreover, PMC deaths are not reported by the Ministry of Defence as they operate outside of the regular Russian Armed Forces (19). Some analysts have claimed that the Kremlin exploits these legal loopholes in order to deny Russian involvement in unstable states and proxy conflicts. (20) As seen in the ongoing war in Ukraine, Wagner sought to recruit prisoners in exchange for diminished sentences and/or pardons. As a result of this tactic, Wagner has seen massive losses within its ranks due to the limited training and morale of the prisoner recruits. From this, the term ‘cannon-fodder’ was coined by Ukrainian media outlets due to the group's strategy of sending swaths of untrained recruits to overwhelm Ukrainian positions. Among troops, this is called being sent to the ‘meat-grinder.’ (21) The case of Sudan, for instance, provides a significant insight into the complex relationship between Wagner, Prigozhin's economic ambitions, and the Kremlin's geopolitical priorities. Wagner's assistance in putting down anti-government protests in 2017 compelled then-president Omar al-Bashir to grant mining concessions to the Prigozhin-owned company, M-Invest (22). These concessions and the resulting flow of gold into the Russian economy lessened the blow of US sanctions after its 2014 invasion of Crimea (23). Furthermore, months before his toppling, al-Bashir proposed a plan to establish a Russian naval base on the Red Sea near Port Sudan (24). The Wagner Group’s contracts are often based on direct combat engagement, although the group has also been involved in weapons transfers, logistical support and information operations (25). In 2022, Prigozhin was identified as a primary funder of the Russian disinformation outlet – the ‘Internet Research Agency’ – which is ambiguously claimed to have attempted to influence the 2016 US Presidential elections (26). The group’s ‘quasi-state actor’ label is the result of its alleged interconnected relationship with President Putin and the Kremlin (27). Approach to Resistance Acting as a private military, Wagner takes up conventional arms against whoever they are contracted against. However, Wagner members are more than mere ‘soldiers of fortune’; Wagner’s organisational structure and alleged ties to the Kremlin mean that Wagner is highly unlikely to enter a conflict on the side of a group or state that runs counter to Russia’s Geopolitical priorities or Prigozhin’s economic ambitions (28). This train of thought continued until June 27th of this year, when Prigozin and his Wagnerites moved on Rostov-on-Don, a strategic city in Russia's Rostov Oblast. (29) The city lies 32 kilometres from the Sea of Azov and is the base of the Russian Southern Military District, which contains the 58th combined arms Army - making it a “key logistical hub during the Russian invasion of Ukraine and the 2023 Ukrainian counteroffensive.” (30) The 23-hour ‘Wagner Rebellion’ came as the result of Prigozhin's continuous battle with Russian military elites over a lack of ammunition as well as a lack of recognition of the efforts of his troops in the conflict. (31) In a series of online rants released by Prigozhin, he remained careful to direct his grievances towards Russia's Minister of Defence, Sergei Shoigu and Russian Army General Valery Gerasimov. “The children of elites…allow themselves to lead a public, fat, carefree life while the children of others arrive back shredded to pieces in zinc coffins,” Prigozhin said in one of his diatribes. (32) Previously, Prigozhin had a relatively good relationship with former Commander of the Russian Forces, Sergei Surovikin, being reportedly united through their grievances against Shoigu. (33) As Gerasimov replaced Surovikin as Commander, Wagner's ammunition stores dried up, with Prigozhin claiming anonymous Russian Generals had to break military code to supply the group with further ammunition. (34) Although the rebellion lasted only 23 hours, the Kremlin moved quickly to Transport Prigozhin and the remaining Wagner troops to Belarus to await redeployment to Africa and the Middle East. (35) Furthermore, on August 22nd, Prigozhin appeared in an undisclosed African nation claiming “we are working.. The Wagner Group conducts reconnaissance and search activities. Makes Russia even greater on all continents! And Africa more free. Justice and Happiness for the African Peoples. Nightmare of “ISIS “Al-Qaeda” and other gangsters.” (36) Despite this, Wagner has seen tremendous losses while fighting against the Islamic State, as seen in their failed operation in the Cabo Delgado Province of Mozambique, in which an estimated dozen wagner fighters were killed by Islamic insurgents in addition to, the Mozambique Defence Armed Forces eliminating a handful in friendly fire events. (37) Furthermore, the Wagner Group is highly equipped and it utilises a variety of weapons, ranging from small arms such as the AK-74 and AKM rifles, to heavier arms such as the GP-25/30 grenade launcher, the RPK-74 light machine gun and SVD Dragunov rifle (38). In Africa, the group has utilised the AK-103 rifle as well as 120mm round Mortars. The Wagner Group has also been accused of committing various war crimes in the nations in which they operate (39), notably in the Central African Republic, where Human Rights Watch claims the group has beaten, tortured, and executed civilians. In Mali, Wagner utilises anti-western propaganda to prop up the nations Military leader Assimi Goita, who gained power through a 2021 coup, while in the Central African Republic (CAR) Wagner conducts counter-insurgency operations against Jihadists and local rebels and by doing so gains access to lucrative mining contracts. In Africa, Wagner employs a multifaceted strategic approach to influence local politics and prop up the group financially. (40) The contracts Wagner holds with the Nations of Mali, Sudan and the CAR allows the Kremlin to circumvent international sanctions and in turn, continue to fund their war in Ukraine. A US intelligence assessment of the group leaked by former US Airman Jack Teixeria, stated “The Wagner Group is moving aggressively to establish a 'confederation' of anti-Western states in Africa as the Russian mercenaries foment instability while using their paramilitary and disinformation capabilities to bolster Moscow’s allies [...] expanding its presence and ambitions on that continent even as the war in Ukraine has become a grinding [...] problem for the Kremlin.” (41) International Missions, Alliances & Relations Wagner currently operates in Syria, Libya, Madagascar, Sudan, Mozambique, Burkina Faso, Ukraine, Mali, and the Central African Republic. The pivot to Africa comes as Russia seeks to destabilise the Western foothold in the continent, as seen in Wagner's entrance into the CAR after the French pulled out their 2000-strong counter-insurgency force from the nation and the “UN granted exception to the arms embargo, [after which] Russian Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov met with CAR President Faustin-Archange Touadéra in October 2017.” (42) Previously, it has fought for the Kremlin-friendly Libyan National Army, and as aforementioned, propped up the forces of Sudan’s Omar al-Bashir (43). The Syrian case highlights the complexities of the alleged Kremlin-Wagner relationship as seen in a 2018 contract between Evro Polis, a Prigozhin-linked firm and the Syrian Government-owned General Petroleum Company (44). The contract marks out that for every petroleum facility retaken from Islamic State forces, Evro Polis is entitled to receive 25% of the petroleum output from said facilities (45). These forces have been reported to regularly use Russian military aircraft to fly to and from Syria (46). This ‘resource concessions for protection and training’ strategy has enabled Prigozhin’s Wagner Group to enter various African states and receive mining concessions, as well as entrench Russian influence in the region (47). This two-track approach serves to benefit the Kremlin, Wagner operatives and Prigozhin himself. Additionally, these resource concessions create an unsanctioned stream of income, which, as aforementioned, can prop up the Russian economy when the nation finds itself subject to Western sanctions (48). Additionally, around 400 members of the Wagner Group have also been reported to be covertly protecting Venezuela’s leader – Nicolas Maduro (49). On the morning of August 24th, exactly two months after Wagner's attempted march on Moscow, an Embraer 135 Jet carrying Prigozhin, Utkin and eight others crashed in Russia’s Tver Oblast, killing all on board. (50) What caused the Jet to crash has not yet been determined. However, the withdrawal of Wagner from Ukraine is likely to be felt by the remaining forces, as analysts from the Center for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS) claim, “The deployment of Wagner Group private military contractors to the front lines in eastern Ukraine in 2023 has further highlighted the poor performance of Russian ground forces, as well as the political risks of a full-scale Russian mobilisation. Consequently, a partially bruised and demoralised Russian army sits behind the extensive fortifications, which may present opportunities for Ukraine. Furthermore, the Russian military likely does not have enough high-quality forces to defend all parts of the line. The 70 combat regiments and brigades Russia has in Ukraine will likely not be sufficient to form a large mobile reserve, even if Russia commands enough soldiers to adequately staff its fortifications. The lack of a strong mobile reserve means that Russia will be hard-pressed to surge forces to fill gaps in its lines, station forces in second-echelon defensive positions, and conduct counterattacks according to its defensive doctrine.” (51) With the deaths of the groups founder and leader, the Future of Wagner in Africa is now called into question. Additional Resources

Insurgency Overview The Aryan Brotherhood (AB), also known as the Brand, the Rock, or simply the Brotherhood, is a white supremacist prison gang based in the USA. It is known to be an extremely violent gang, as the Aryan Brotherhood is responsible for a disproportionately high number of homicides within the American prison system (1). The gang engages in various illicit activities, including the production, trafficking, and sale of drugs, as well as involvement in prostitution, protection rackets, and extortion both within and outside of the confines of prisons across the United States (2). Established in 1967 by inmates at San Quentin State Prison, the gang was initially set up to safeguard white prisoners from other emerging gangs organized along racial lines. However, it swiftly transformed into a full-fledged criminal enterprise. Despite its espousal of white supremacist ideology and symbolism, the primary motivation of the Aryan Brotherhood is financial gain and the pursuit of power (3). The AB will work with other gangs, regardless of their racial makeup, when convenient or profitable. Nevertheless, the gang remains a main antagonist of racial tensions within the US federal prison system and members frequently use racism as a motive or justification for their violent acts. The gang amassed much of its power due to its violent reputation and has thus been able to assimilate many other white gangs, from biker clubs to white power skinheads (4). Its notoriety has propelled the AB to the top of the food chain among American prison gangs and its reputation has spread beyond prison walls, with many movies and TV shows depicting the gang and its brutality. History and Foundations Until 1964, prisons in the United States were racially segregated. This policy came to an end with the enactment of the Civil Rights Act, which prohibited all forms of segregation, including within prisons. However, once prisons became integrated racial tensions rose and prisoners began to organize themselves into racially-defined gangs. Even though prison gangs were not a new phenomenon, this led to a sharp uptick in interracial violence in prisons. In San Quentin State Prison, one of these such gangs was the Bluebird Gang, who were comprised of white inmates (3). The Bluebirds later changed their name to the Diamond Teeth Gang, after the pieces of glass members glued to their teeth to intimidate rivals, before eventually evolving into the Aryan Brotherhood (5). These tensions reached a boiling point on January 17th, 1967, when a race riot erupted in San Quentin State Prison. 1,800 Black inmates faced off against 1,000 white inmates following a series of incidents over the previous few days. Black inmates working in the prison kitchen had gone on strike due to racism from guards. The strike led to several racially-motivated attacks; the most drastic of which being the murder of a neo-Nazi, Robert Holderman, by Black Guerilla Family (BGF) members the day before the riot broke out (6). The riot made many white prisoners question their safety within San Quentin. Faced with this uncertainty, the Diamond Teeth Gang, feeling the need for solidarity, united with other white inmates to establish the Aryan Brotherhood. Soon, the Brotherhood spread throughout the California state prison system and by 1975, they were present in most prisons across the state (5). Once authorities became aware of the group they transferred inmates to separate prisons, hoping to thwart the gang's ascent to power. Paradoxically, this only enabled the group to expand its influence. Members would commit vicious acts of violence upon arriving at a new prison to establish their dominance, making it abundantly clear to the other inmates that the Aryan Brotherhood was in town and they meant business. Due to its reputation, the AB was then able to absorb smaller white gangs, including many bikers and skinheads, recruiting only the most hardened and dangerous criminals into their ranks (2). When cult leader Charles Manson and his followers were imprisoned for a series of murders in 1971, he sought to join forces with the Aryan Brotherhood both for protection and because of their shared beliefs. Fearing retaliation from Black inmates due to his infamous attempt to antagonize a race war, the five-foot-two Manson and his hippy followers needed someone with the power to ensure their safety (8). Initially, the two groups formed an alliance and some of the women in the Manson Family even became romantically involved with members of the AB. The gang used their newly acquired girlfriends to smuggle weapons and drugs into prisons (8). However, the two groups had a falling out as Manson refused to kill a Black inmate as a part of an initiation ritual. As well, some of the Brotherhood’s members took offense to the murder of the pregnant, not to mention white, actress Sharon Tate. They soon went their separate ways, with the AB taking several of the Manson Family women with them (7). As the Brotherhood’s power continued to grow, the racial violence within the California prison system only worsened. They allied themselves with the Mexican Mafia, a powerful Mexican-American prison gang that also rose to prominence after the desegregation of the prison system, despite the Brotherhood’s racial views as the two gangs shared a common enemy: the Black Guerilla Family. The Mexican Mafia began outsourcing its hits to the Brotherhood, who were notorious contract killers and had many white guards on their side. These alliances created the perfect storm for a race war. The Brotherhood found itself at war with La Nuestra Familia, the sworn enemies of the Mexican Mafia (2). Because of the spike in murders during the mid-1970s, many AB members were sent to federal prison for their crimes. Here, they began taking control of existing gangs, either willingly or by force. As the gang’s influence grew and its objectives shifted from protection to power and monetary gain, the need for a revamped organizational structure became evident. All major decisions, such as whether to carry out a murder or admit a new member, would require approval from all members, which was becoming a cumbersome task (2). In 1980, the gang split into two separate but allied factions; one for members in state prisons based out of California and one for their federal counterparts. The federal organization subsequently established a “commission” made up of three of the Brotherhood’s most notorious high-ranking members to control the gang’s activities, departing from its previous one-man-one-vote policy. The commission centralized power and streamlined the organization. A 12-man council was to serve under the commission to manage the gang’s day-to-day operations (5). The state organization soon followed suit (1). The state organization was led by Michael Thompson, who had swiftly moved up the ranks of the AB driven by his ferocity and his ambition since his incarceration in 1974. He caught the Brotherhood’s attention after stabbing a BGF member on his second day at Folsom Prison. It was power, not racism, that attracted him to the Brand; he was initially unsure of whether to join because of their racial views. Nonetheless, he needed protection as a lone wolf was an easy target for other gangs and had already been attacked several times. As he made his way up, he saw an opportunity to make the organization more efficient and mitigate some of its high propensity for murder. Despite his efforts, he ultimately failed and left the AB in 1984 after a snitch’s father was murdered, which he objected to and tried to prevent. He entered protective custody thereafter and managed to evade the Brotherhood’s subsequent attempts to kill him, being secretly shuffled from prison to prison frequently (5). After receiving the blessing of the Brotherhood’s leaders in California including Thompson, Barry Mills, known as “The Baron”, established the federal division of the AB while serving time in USP Atlanta (8) (4). Mills, described as “extremely intelligent and very charismatic”, has a similar story to many other members. He joined the AB in California, at San Quentin, and then moved on to federal prison for planning a bank robbery on behalf of the AB (9). Along with T.D. "The Hulk" Bingham and John Greschner on the commission, he sought to reform the AB from a violent hate group into a tightly organized criminal enterprise. They not only wanted to control the underworld within prison walls but outside of them as well (4). One of the federal prisons the AB was able to expand into was United States Penitentiary (USP) Marion in Illinois. Here, the gang established a formidable presence, bringing chaos and murder in its wake. In 1981, Robert Chappelle, a member of the D.C. Blacks gang, allies of the BGF, was killed at USP Marion. The crime was pinned on two AB members, Clayton Fountain and Thomas “Terrible Tom” Silverstein (10). Both already convicted murderers, Fountain was considered the most dangerous man in the American prison system at the time. He had initially been incarcerated for murdering his staff sergeant while serving as a US Marine in the Philippines (11). Meanwhile, Silverstein was a loyal follower from a broken home seeking validation from his comrades. He was known to inmates and guards in Marion for his intricate but disturbing artwork (5). Caption: A drawing by Silverstein. Much of his artwork depicted his feelings of dehumanization and despair from his confinement. Source: https://www.nytimes.com/2019/05/21/obituaries/thomas-silverstein-dead.html (Some alternatives available here: https://www.peteearley.com/thomas-silverstein/) Even though Silverstein protested his innocence, he and Fountain were convicted for Chapelle’s murder. Both Fountain and Silverstein were housed in a special “control unit” where they spent virtually all of their time isolated in solitary confinement in order to minimize human contact. Shortly thereafter, Raymond Lee "Cadillac" Smith, leader of the D.C. Blacks, was transferred to Marion and began threatening to kill Fountain and Silverstein. However, the two got to Smith first, stabbing him 67 times and parading his corpse along the cellblock to send a message to the other prisoners (10). This resulted in a war between the D.C. Blacks and the AB that spread to other prisons such as USPs Leavenworth in Kansas and Lewisburg in Pennsylvania. In 1983, Silverstein managed to stab a corrections officer to death who had allegedly been harassing him and destroying his artwork. Just hours later, Fountain stabbed three officers, killing one, to catch up to Silverstein’s kill count (5). These events led to a 23-year-long prison-wide lockdown at USP Marion. It also inspired the creation of ADX Florence, the first “supermax” prison and the site where many top members of the AB would eventually stay, including members of the commission and Silverstein himself. When Silverstein died in 2019, he had been under solitary confinement for 36 consecutive years, longer than any other prisoner in the US (10). As members were released from prison, the AB began to expand its operations beyond prison walls. By the mid-1980s, the AB had established various criminal enterprises in cities across the United States (4). Members were instructed that their duties to the gang did not end once they left prison and the penalty for failing to “polish the rock” was death. The gang needed people to run drugs and contraband, carry out assassinations, set up fronts, conduct robberies for funding, and relay messages (2). This led to the AB’s trail of blood spilling out onto the streets, as their indiscriminate attitude towards murder did not end when members left prison. One member shot a police officer in the head with a shotgun six days after being released from Pelican Bay in 1995. Five years later, authorities discovered the gang’s plans to acquire a compound to serve as a headquarters, fully equipped with offices, a library, a garage, and recreational facilities (5). In 1992, the Brotherhood was hired to protect Mob boss John Gotti of the Gambino crime family in exchange for one of Gotti’s lawyers to appeal Barry Mills’ murder case. The AB had long been allied with the American Mafia but the deal went sour when Gotti allegedly backed out and the Brotherhood subsequently stopped protecting him. But after he was attacked by another inmate at USP Marion, the very same prison that housed Clayton Fountain and Thomas Silverstein, he came back to the AB and regained their protection at a high price tag (12). As the gang sought to consolidate power over the entire US prison system in the late 1990s, it escalated its rivalry with the D.C. Blacks into a full-scale race war. The commissioners, in spite of their strict supervision, authorized the war through coded letters. Authorities were eventually able to decode one message sent by T.D. Bingham to Barry Mills. Appearing to announce the birth of Bingham’s grandson, in reality it translated to “Confirm message from Chris to move on DC”. But by the time it was deciphered, two Black inmates had already been fatally stabbed at USP Lewisburg in Pennsylvania (9) (5). After the AB’s run-in with the Mob, Mills wanted to become something of a don himself. He began to order hits based on personal transgressions without consulting the other members of the commission. At this time, the commission was being housed in solitary confinement in a supermax prison in Florence, Colorado. Eventually, commissioner John Greschner had enough and left the Brotherhood in 1999, testifying in a drug case against another senior member (4). In the process, he put himself ‘in the hat,’ meaning that he would likely be murdered if the Brotherhood tracked him down. Meanwhile, Mills was only ramping up the violence. The gang began building explosives to send to government facilities, but their plans were soon foiled when they gained some unwanted attention from federal prosecutors (5). Law enforcement, despite all their efforts, found themselves unable to stop the AB’s reign of terror. But in 2002, six years of investigation by multiple federal agencies led to a massive indictment against the Brotherhood’s top brass that federal prosecutors hoped would stop the gang once and for all (13). Countless charges under the RICO act, including 32 murders were cited in the indictment (1). In all, 40 AB members were named in the 110-page indictment, 21 of whom were up for the death penalty including Mills and Bingham. Greschner, possibly thanks to his prior collaboration with prosecutors, was spared. Gregory Jessner, the attorney behind the indictment, said of the AB that “they may be the most murderous criminal organization in the United States” (5). However, these indictments did little to sway the Brotherhood and only cemented its reputation as a gang of ruthless killers. Despite prosecutors’ talk in the media of dealing a final blow to the Brotherhood by handing out death sentences, they were unable to deliver as none of the defendants got the death penalty and they only received additional life sentences added onto the ones they were already serving (1). Many of the veteran members of the Brotherhood that had presided over its rise to power began to die out in the years after the indictment. Clayton Fountain died in 2004, Mills in 2018, and Silverstein in 2019. Meanwhile, Michael Thompson was released in 2020 after spending 45 years behind bars, becoming an exceedingly rare case of someone who makes it both out of prison and the Brotherhood alive (14). Objectives and Ideology The Aryan Brotherhood holds a wide set of white supremacist views tailored to radicalize their members into becoming loyal warriors who will do anything for the gang. The gang is not as ideologically strict as other similar organizations, such as Aryan Nations, as its ideology only serves to further the gang’s goals as opposed to that of any concrete white supremacist doctrine. Members are made to read various books that have varying relevance to white supremacy, including Adolf Hitler’s Mein Kampf, Sun Tzu’s The Art of War, and Machiavelli’s The Prince (a book that greatly influenced the well-read Mills himself) (8) (9). Furthermore, Friedrich Nietzsche is said to be a large influence on the group’s worldview for his views on morality and religion, but Micheal Thompson says the group “misinterprets” the philosopher (5). This alludes to the fact that the gang’s leadership twists these ideas in order to brainwash its typically poorly-educated members to blindly do the bidding of their superiors. Some of its more ideologically motivated members are even critical of the group’s activities that are seen as antithetical to white supremacy, such as collaborating with non-white gangs, allowing in mixed-race members, and selling drugs to white people (8). Just as with its ideology, the Brotherhood’s religious affiliation is somewhat vague. Many members today are nominally followers of Asatru, a Norse neopagan religious movement, or Odinism, its white supremacist variant (3). During the 80s, the Brotherhood began a working relationship with Aryan Nations, a white supremacist group associated with the Christian Identity ethno-religious movement. Christian Identity espouses a strain of revisionist Christianity based on the belief that Celtic and Germanic ethnic groups are the true descendants of the Israelites and thus “God’s chosen people”. It also states that Jewish people are the spawn of Satan. Many AB members became followers of the Church of Jesus Christ-Christian, the Aryan Nations’ church, and would have the Nations’ literature smuggled into prisons (1). In the 1990s, the AB dropped Christian Identity for Odinism, due to the Brotherhood’s rejection of Christianity for its perceived weakness and association with Judaism (3). Much of the symbolism the gang uses is antithetical to Christianity, such as the 666 and pagan rune tattoos often seen on members (12). Although the Brotherhood’s racist beliefs should not be underscored and the gang is definitely more ideologically concerned than most other prison gangs, these ideas primarily serve as a rallying point for the group as opposed to a motivator. They give its members the sense that they are a part of something larger than themselves, ensuring their loyalty and discretion with authorities. It also has the effect of radicalizing and empowering them, turning them into hardened killers (4). However, the AB is not absolute in its ideology and has been known to bend its own rules when convenient or profitable. For example, T.D. Bingham was part Jewish and had a Star of David tattoo alongside his swastika (5). As well, Michael Thompson is part Native American (14). The gang has also been known to collaborate with inmates of other races such as when the Brotherhood allied itself with Black Muslims and Gangster Disciples during a 1993 Easter Sunday riot at the Southern Ohio Correctional Facility (15). The AB, since its inception, has been an increasingly ambitious organization. Its goals have changed over the years, moving from providing protection for white inmates in newly desegregated prisons, to taking control of state and federal prisons, and ultimately to becoming an unstoppable criminal enterprise dominating the black market in and outside of prisons (2). Over the years, the Brotherhood has built up a notorious reputation. The gang’s infamy has turned them into something of a fascination in popular culture and the Brotherhood has been featured in many TV shows and movies like Oz, Miami Vice, and American History X. Capabilities When the Aryan Brotherhood was established, it only had around 40 members in San Quentin State Prison (16). Their numbers remained small, staying under 100 until the late 1970s when the gang began its rapid expansion across the US federal prison system. Today, there are some 20,000 total members and affiliates in and out of prison (8). However, they are still a relatively small gang compared to some of their allies and rivals, only accounting for about 1% of the US’ total federal and state prison population of 1,256,000 (17). Meanwhile, both Hispanic and African-American gangs typically outnumber the AB (which can be partially attributed to the over-incarceration of racial minorities within American prisons). What makes the Brotherhood particularly dangerous is not its size, but its high capacity for violence and rigorous selection process for new members. According to the FBI, it is responsible for roughly 18% of murders within prisons (1). To compensate for its relatively small number of made members, the Brotherhood has many smaller, less powerful white gangs who are loyal to them. Law enforcement officials have had a particularly difficult time dealing with the gang due to the fact that their leaders simply have nothing to lose. Members serving life sentences are undeterred by the threat of further prosecution and the organization has developed an advanced system of codes and secret messages to circumvent the surveillance and confinement of their members (1). Most attempts to limit the power of the gang have only had the opposite effect, as their expansion into federal prisons across the US was largely due to law enforcement’s attempts to split up concentrations of the gang in Californian prisons. Furthermore, those who go against the gang in any capacity risk not only their own murder but also that of their families as well, making it difficult for law enforcement to find anyone willing to speak up (5). Since the 1980s, the Brotherhood has been organized in a hierarchical fashion inspired by other organized crime groups like the Mafia. At the top is a three-man commission that presides over a council of up to 12 responsible for handling practical matters. Seasoned members who occupy leadership positions within individual prisons are referred to as “shot callers”. They are in charge of managing their soldiers, initiating prospects, and handling the gang’s activities within their prison (12). Approach to Resistance The language the Aryan Brotherhood speaks is violence. It does not shy away from using wanton violence as a means to reinforce its power. Because of members’ unwavering loyalty to the gang and an absence of fear of death or prosecution, they are known to kill often and without remorse. Its members’ preferred method of murder is stabbing their victims repetitively, and new members are trained in human anatomy in order to make them more deadly (5). This not only serves as an effective tactic but also leaves a gruesome message to other inmates. Upon entering a new prison, the gang’s goal is to assert its dominance, both to its potential allies and rivals. This often comes in the form of a public display of violence to show the other inmates that they are not to be trifled with. This is also how the Brotherhood manages to take over other smaller white gangs (4). Once established in a prison, the gang will begin to murder its own enemies or those who commission them. However, the gang has been known to be liberal with their use of violence and any perceived slight to the AB can land someone “in the hat”. In order to create a climate of fear to prevent anyone from interfering in its operations, the AB will kill any correctional officer, and even their family, if they step up to the gang (2). Despite their focus on being a criminal enterprise before a hate group, AB members have nonetheless been responsible for both hate and ideologically motivated crimes. Members in and outside of prison have been known to commit murders because of the victim’s race. Lawrence Brewer and John King, two members of the Brotherhood who met while serving time in Texas, and another individual murdered James Byrd Jr. by dragging him behind a truck. The two showed no remorse for the murder of Byrd, a Black man, and the proceeding trial determined that Brewer and King were motivated by hate (1). As well, David Frank Jennings, an AB member, murdered Earl Krugel of the ultranationalist terror group known as the Jewish Defence League. Krugel, who had just arrived at prison three days prior for conspiring to bomb a mosque, was struck in the head with a brick by Jennings while working out (18). Additionally, the organization has allegedly attempted to plan bombings on federal government targets (1). The gang has been known to target sex offenders and if a new inmate was found to be one, they are likely to be assaulted or killed (14) Caption: Richard Kuykendall, a member of the Aryan Brotherhood, shoots and kills three other members of the Brotherhood in Albuquerque, New Mexico on May 12th, 2021. Prior to the shooting, Kuykendall had been arrested 35 times. A pistol belonging to one of the victims was found in the car and Kuykendall drove the car to a nearby hospital after the shooting (20). Besides murder, the AB operates a number of criminal enterprises. One of its primary streams of income is from drugs, mostly methamphetamine and heroin. Drugs are a particularly lucrative business for the gang given their high demand in prisons (2). The AB smuggles in drugs and other contraband to supply itself. It has been known to often use its members’ girlfriends or to extort weaker inmates to get their families to deliver drugs while visiting. Additionally, the AB pimps out inmates, sometimes in exchange for protection. The gang does not like to share with its competitors, so others that are operating a business in a prison that the gang operates in, whether it be gambling, drugs, or other such ventures, are expected to pay a tax to the Brotherhood. The penalty for failing to do so can be death. It is able to bring in anywhere between hundreds of thousands to a million dollars a year from one single prison, making it an extremely profitable enterprise (5). Outside of prison, the gang sets up legitimate businesses such as garages and clubs to launder money through. Street bosses manage these fronts while also procuring drugs and contraband to smuggle into prison and facilitating communications between the inside and the outside. They use switchboards with coded messages in order to keep the gang’s operations clandestine (4). Upon their release, members have been seen to gather in rural areas where methamphetamines are popular (19). The gang has developed a complex system of codes, borrowing codes invented by the likes of Sir Francis Bacon and the French Resistance during the Second World War (5). To get around law enforcement, the AB has also sent letters written in invisible ink made with urine, bribed guards to deliver messages, and subpoenaed members to deliver secret messages to them in court (2). Girlfriends and lawyers have also been used to communicate messages (2). This is how the gang has been able to continue to operate despite the fact that many of its leaders are permanently in solitary confinement. Prospective members undergo an initiation process during which they swear an oath to the gang and commit a murder in order to “make their bones” (5). The pledge that new members recite states “For an Aryan brother, death holds no fear, vengeance will be his, through his brothers still here”, serving as a testament to the Brotherhood’s brutal loyalty (12). Once a member officially joins, they would receive a “brand”, a tattoo representing the gang. Popular tattoos include swastikas, pagan runes, 666s, shamrocks, and other Celtic imagery (8). “The Brand” is an alias for the gang, referencing the title of a cowboy novel by Louis L’Amour popular among AB members, while the Rock, another alias, comes from the shamrock tattoos that many members have, calling back to the gang’s Irish roots (12). ‘Polishing the rock’ refers to the gang’s policy of continuing gang activity and taking care of incarcerated members once one is released from prison (1). Once one becomes a member of the Aryan Brotherhood they are so for life, as its “blood in, blood out” motto declares. “Blood in” refers to the gang’s initiation ritual while “blood out” means that there’s only one way out of the gang: death (12). Relations and Alliances The Aryan Brotherhood has been rubbing shoulders with the most prominent and dangerous prison gangs in the USA since its inception. Its major rivals are Black gangs like the Black Guerilla Family and the D.C. Blacks. These rivalries are not strictly racial but also serve to consolidate its power. The gang has started multiple ‘race wars’ with other gangs, primarily to eliminate their competition. Meanwhile, the gang has a mixed relationship with Hispanic prison gangs. They are longtime allies of the Mexican Mafia, also known as “La Eme”, who drew the Brotherhood into a war with their rivals, La Nuestra Familia (2). La Eme is also affiliated with the Mafia and the Hell’s Angels along with the Brotherhood, as well as various Mexican drug cartels (3). The gang has collaborated with other organized crime syndicates like the Hell’s Angels and the American Mafia to further their enterprises outside of prison. The Brotherhood has been paid to protect mobsters and carry out their hits in prison. In exchange, the Brotherhood has received assistance setting up drug manufacturing operations and other illegal operations on the outside. While the Brotherhood runs the show in many prisons, the Mafia has access to resources like fronts and connections in various industries that the Brotherhood has used to expand its operations (2). The Brotherhood has been known to recruit from smaller white gangs such as skinhead and motorcycle gangs and has several smaller, less powerful gangs who pay tribute to them, such as the Nazi Lowriders and Public Enemy No. 1 (4). These subsidiary gangs are known as “Peckerwoods”, referring to a derogatory term for poor whites in the rural Southern United States (1). During the 1980s, the Brotherhood began to build relationships with neo-Nazi and white supremacist organizations outside of prison, perhaps most notably Aryan Nations (1). The gang has also been connected to other such white supremacist groups outside of prison, including the Order, a white supremacist terrorist group who sought to create a white ethnostate in the northwestern United States. The Order also followed the Christian Identity doctrine (13). There are several gangs, such as the Aryan Brotherhood of Texas and the Aryan Circle, who have been inspired by the AB. These gangs mimic the structure, practices, activities, and symbolism of the Brotherhood. They are mostly tolerated due to the fact that they are dwarfed by the Brotherhood and do not pose a serious threat to it (13). The gang has had a mixed relationship with prison guards. While it has not been afraid to target guards as well as inmates, some guards hold sympathy for the Brotherhood as they are seen to maintain order within prisons that guards can’t (2). Some guards have even been found to be affiliated with the Brotherhood and have served the gang by smuggling contraband into prisons, delivering messages, and looking the other way (5). Additional Resources "​How an Aryan Brotherhood Prison-Gang General Became a Snitch", Seth Ferranti for VICE News (2015) (https://www.vice.com/en/article/av4pgj/how-an-aryan-brotherhood-prison-gang-general-became-a-snitch-105) History Channel Documentary "Gangland: Aryan Brotherhood" (2007)