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Insurgency Overview Throughout the Yemen Civil War (2014-Present), and indeed throughout much of its history, the southern Arabian region of Hadhramaut has seen its course charted somewhat independently of its regional neighbours. In modern Yemen, what is traditionally considered to be Hadhramaut is made up of three governorates: al-Mahrah, bordering Oman, Hadhramaut, and parts of Shabwa. Often torn between competing ideologies in the north and south of modern Yemen - in addition to competing regional interests - Hadhramaut has managed to secure a degree of independence from the Yemeni state. History & Foundations Hadhramaut suffered under the kleptocratic and northern-centric rule of Ali Abdullah Saleh, who ruled Yemen as president/dictator from 1990 to 2012; significant oil revenues were frequently pocketed by government and army officials, and investment in the governorate has been restricted. As a result, a sense of national belonging to a unified Yemen is much less in comparison to a strong sense of local, tribal Hadhrami identity. Due to its geographical position relative to Houthi (Ansar Allah) held territory in the north of the country, Hadhramaut has largely not been exposed to Houthi-Government fighting, except for drone attacks on al-Dabba port (1) and oil terminal in November 2022 (2). Instead, it continues to play a strategic role for regional powers such as the United Arab Emirates (UAE) , its proxy, the Southern Transitional Council (STC), and Saudi Arabia thanks to its vast mineral and oil resources. Hadhramaut is the richest governorate in Yemen in terms of natural resources, as well as possession 80% of the country’s oil fields, gold deposits, and natural gas (3). Given this context, Hadhramis have mainly continued to organise themselves through tribal alliances, and it is through this that the Hadhramaut Tribal Alliance/Confederacy (حلف حضرموت القبلي) emerges. Founded in 2013 and operating in the aforementioned Eastern Yemeni governorates of al-Mahrah and Hadhramaut, the HAT has been consistently supporting former president Abdrabbuh Mansur Hadi, the Saudi-led coalition, and now Rashid al-Alimi’s Presidential Leadership Council. Their leader is Shaykh Amr b. Habrish. Ideology & Objectives Protecting Hadhramaut from foreign, and more specifically Emirati, interference, the HAT’s main concern tends to be the safeguarding of national resources from external interests. One of its first announcements and calls to arms issued in 2013 after regime attacks on the governorate called on all tribesmen in the region to ‘control all the important main roads and outlets and to cut off all military supplies and reinforcements entering Hadramaut and the oil sectors in al-Masilah (town in al-Mahrah)’ (4). Military & Political Capabilities Exact numbers are hard to verify, however the tribal alliance began a conscription drive with a target of 10,000 new recruits in January 2023 (5). International Relations & Potential Alliances The Hadhramaut Tribal Alliance has maintained close ties with the Riyadh-aligned Presidential Leadership Council (PLC), based in Aden. The HAT’s leader, Shaykh Amr b. Habrish has a close relationship with Rashid al-Alimi, the chairman of the PLC. Hadhramaut has long had historical ties with Saudi Arabia (6) , now manifested in support for the Saudi-led coalition. The recent conscription drive follows increasing UAE-backed Southern Transitional Council (STC) activity in the governorate. Concerns over the illegal monopolisation and extraction of Hadhramaut’s natural resources via its ports, secured militarily, led the HAT to push for this large conscription across the entire governorate.

Insurgency Overview The Groypers, also known as the ‘Groyper Army’ or America First, are a movement of far-right nationalists in the US who first emerged online, but began to also move into the offline world in 2019. The name ‘Groypers’ originates from the Groyper frog image, which rose to popularity as a racist-coded version of the Pepe the Frog meme; the Pepe image is often associated with the alt-right. Groypers typically describe themselves as American nationalists and have similar beliefs to the alt-right. Their focus on gathering Gen Z support marks them out as a new type of movement, as they seek to form a base of support among younger people. Groypers present their movement under the wider ideology of Christian nationalism, and exploit divisions in more mainstream right-wing politics to attract disaffected conservatives. (1) One of the hallmarks of the Groyper movement is following an alt-right figure named Nick Fuentes, who is a white supremacist, nationalist livestreamer, and Holocaust denier (1). He is an outspoken fan of fascists such as Mussolini, and seeks to pull the American Republican party further to the extreme right. Fuentes rose to prominence during the ‘Stop the Steal’ movement after the 2020 US election, which used disinformation to promote the idea that Donald Trump was the ‘real’ winner of the Presidency instead of President Joe Biden, and sought to overturn the result. Through his nightly ‘America First’ show and his America First Foundation, Fuentes has continued to both monetize his popularity and utilize it to further promote his alt-right ideas. The Groyper movement therefore coalesces around the ‘America First’ show, and other popular figures in a similar alt-right space, such as Michelle Malkin, an American conservative political commentator who sits on the board of Fuentes’ alt-right America First Foundation, and to whom some of his fans refer to as “Mommy”. (2) History & Foundations The origins of the Groyper movement are complex to trace due to its lack of coherent membership: rather a loose gathering of people with similar views than an organization, the Groypers developed out of the recent history of the alt-right. The ‘alt-right’ is a term first coined by a member of the movement, and key figurehead, Richard Bertrand Spencer, another right-wing public figure, who heads the National Policy Institute, an extreme right think tank (3). He is also the American editor of his own website, Altright.com, which he launched on 16 January 2017. Formerly, Spencer headed a webzine named AlternativeRight, which he founded in 2010, aimed at the ‘intellectual right-wing’. He is also a former editor of Radix (4). At its core, the alt-right represents a break from more conventional conservatism, in favor of anarcho-capitalism, traditional Catholicism, individual sovereignty and open markets as opposed to an organized state, a flavor of libertarian thought exemplified by US Rep. Ron Paul (R-Texas), and experimentation with ideas from the French New Right. (3) Following the rise to prominence of the alt-right in the US, came the ‘Unite the Right’ rally on 12 August 2017 in Charlottesville, where more than 200 white nationalists gathered, including rifle-toting militia members. This rally followed an unsanctioned march through the campus of Virginia University the day before, where a few hundred white nationalists had brandished Tiki-torches and chanted “Jews will not replace us” while encircling a Confederate monument. At the Charlottesville rally, a white nationalist murdered antifascist activist, Heather Heyer, by driving his car into a crowd of demonstrators. Following Heyer’s murder, the alt-right was pushed into the national spotlight; websites were taken down, some rally participants lost their jobs, and the term ‘alt-right’ became synonymous with murderous white nationalist rage. (5) It is here where the Groypers, and Nick Fuentes, began to pick up where the alt-right had faltered. Sharing much of the alt-right’s ideology, Groypers sought to rebrand it so that it was more approachable, palatable, and distanced from the violence of Charlottesville. There is also a sense in the Groyper movement that Spencer’s version of the far-right failed due to its divergence from traditional Christianity, which Fuentes maintains as a key part of his own ideology. Fuentes himself rose to prominence during the ‘Stop the Steal’ movement to overturn the 2020 election result, and has continued to push his ideas via his daily show ‘America First’. His audience is largely quite young, something he credits himself for. As well as being a Holocaust denier (1) Fuentes is also a self-described incel and male supremacist, and like many other far-right figures, utilizes young men’s vulnerability around dating and sex to lure them into a landscape of extremist politics. Livetreaming on Cozy.tv, Fuentes has been accused by former ally Patrick Casey of cultivating a “cult-like” atmosphere in his following. Fuentes himself stated in a 2021 livestream that “cults are really the only place where there’s… loyalty.”(2) Ideology & Objectives The ideology of the Groyper movement is best described as being hardline alt-right, or extreme conservative, subscribing to white nationalism and often Nazism. According to a YouTube documentary made by a right-wing YouTuber, Oliver King, the alt-right became disappointed with the failure of Trump’s presidency to fulfill many of their political ideals. King himself goes between addressing his followers as “fellow Groypers” and insisting he does not know the “mindset of this subsect”; however, he expresses agreement with many of the hard-right talking points he is covering. He says that the new alt-right figures “believe they’re chosen by God”, and keep Christianity at the center of their movement; he summarizes this movement as having “hardline beliefs”. King states that “America First has fine-tuned the amount you can dip into the far-right while still maintaining a palatable face. [...] All of the alt-right taboo, none of the Nazi aesthetic”. The goal of this, as he perceives it, is to push “forbidden subjects” to “expand the boundaries of what are acceptable political topics, to break away from what the establishment lets us question and talk about, and engage in the most uncomfortable ideas, and live up to the decree of free speech.” King also confirms that “most people on Cozy [Cozy.tv, a popular online platform for this brand of the alt-right] believe in genetic differences among races, specifically in behavior and intelligence.” While he states that “the mainstream right focuses on differences in culture, creating a hierarchy of most to least productive cultures, and attributing to that the disparity in crime rates and intelligence”, the Groypers focus on genetic differences. Though he first insists some cultures are simply “more counterproductive”, and that he himself “lean[s] away from race realism” and is simply “healthily skeptical” as opposed to what he calls “the mainstream’s hypersensitivity”, King then presents arguments as to why, according to him, black people have a “lower IQ”. (6) The Groyper movement’s ultimate goals align with much of the rest of the extreme right-wing: they seek to end immigration to the US, as they are worried it will further boost the Democratic vote. They see the more mainstream conservative landscape as weak and unable to confront such subjects, sometimes referring to it as “Conservative Inc.” Groypers believe that by ignoring traditional family values (or accepting LGBTQ+ people) and discussions of demographics, mainstream conservatism has sold out to the left on the culture war front, and needs to be dragged back to the right. (1) In addition, Groypers believe that to put “America First”, the US should not only close its borders and push back on ‘liberal’ values like rights for women and LGBTQ+ people, but also oppose globalism, instead promoting traditional Christian values. They do not see their racism and antisemitism as bigoted, but instead as shared by the majority of white people and as being necessary to preserve white, European-American identity and culture. (7) Approach to Resistance Following various rounds of deplatforming, Groyper figures have been pushed off websites such as YouTube, into lesser known recesses of the internet, such as Cozy.tv, where they are not subject to content moderation rules. Fuentes has expressed admiration of Stalin, Putin, and other figures who have opposed what King calls “the American regime”. (6) As King points out, Fuentes’ authoritarian tendencies are at odds with a love of American democracy, and many of the livestreamer’s followers brush these views off as jokes or attempts to stoke controversy, when in fact Fuentes seems to be predicting that a period of instability in the US will lead to the rise of a ‘strongman’ leader, a scenario Fuentes does not seem particularly perturbed by. The Groyper approach to political discourse is then, as exemplified by Fuentes, generally one of trolling: this first began, and often still remains, online, but at an October 2019 TPUSA event at Ohio State University, this trolling could be seen jumping off the computer screen into the real world, as Groypers repeatedly trolled the speaker with racist and homophobic questions, as well as telling the audience to Google a famous antisemitic meme. (7) Many figures in the America First movement take to Cozy.tv as livestreamers, with some also doing campus speaking dates, debates, and interviews to showcase their views, as well as attending Fuentes’ rallies. (6) This thread from Twitter shows one member of the Groypers posing in front of the Columbine high school with a fake firearm. It is worth noting that the Tweet itself is from a biased source, but the clip is real footage of the Groypers' actions. The Groypers also took their politics to the America First Political Action Conference (AFPAC), which has hosted a variety of speakers in its 2020, 2021, 2022 and 2023 iterations and which takes place at the same time as the Conservative Political Action Conference (CPAC). Appearances at AFPAC include Rep. Paul Gosar (2021) and former congressman Steve King (2021), Rep. Marjorie Taylor Greene (2022), Idaho Lt. Governor Janice McGeachin (2022), and Arizona state Sen. Wendy Rogers (2022). The location of the 2023 event however, was only disclosed at the last minute on Telegram, and described as a “rally” rather than a conference. It remained Fuentes’ first outing in public since some of his close collaborators following the desertion of some of his close collaborators in June 2022. (8) These defections include Jaden McNeil and Simon Dickerman, who both played an important role in the building of the America First movement. It remains to be seen what the next political actions might be from the movement, which has fallen somewhat out of the spotlight since the desertions of its most important figurehead. (9) Relations & Alliances America First sits primarily in opposition to the Republic party and mainstream conservatism, referring to members of these movements as “cuckservatives” (7), and therefore shares viewpoints with many other alt-right groups. However, they do not really form alliances with any other groups, for a few reasons: firstly, the Groypers are a decentralized, disparate movement of individuals, rather than an organization. They do not hold meetings, or decide policies, meaning they lack the political momentum to form codified relations with other groups. Additionally, the Groypers often argue that it is not only mainstream conservatism that has failed, but the alt-right. Figures affiliated with America First often dismiss Casey’s iteration of the alt-right, or groups like the Proud Boys, as being too atheist, having bad optics, or simply being unsuccessful. They therefore seek to distance themselves from these groups, instead forming a new, palatable, suit-and-tie-wearing version of the far-right, which keeps Catholicism, or traditional Christian values, at its core. For this reason, America First has thus far shunned forming alliances in favor of growing its own popularity and defining itself by being in opposition to other forms of conservatism. Additional Resources

Insurgency Overview The Popular Front for the Liberation of Libya (PFLL) is a Gaddafi-loyalist militia and political party which has emerged as one of the most prominent factions of the so-called “Green Resistance”, which is the wider movement that sympathises with the period of the Libyan Arab Jamahiriya (under Colonel Gaddafi’s rule). The PFLL itself was founded in 2016 and it remains one of the most vocal supporters of Saif al-Islam Gaddafi – Muammar Gaddafi’s second son – as a presidential candidate in the repeatedly-delayed Libyan presidential election. History & Foundations The Libyan Civil War began as a series of limited protests and rebellions, soon after escalating to very high levels of violence. However, this violence did not end with the killing of Gaddafi amid NATO’s intervention. Instead, Libya has since become one of the most prominent examples of a ‘failed state’ (1), paralysed by the dominance of armed militias in running and exploiting most of the Libyan economy’s most precious assets (such as oil), while the Tripoli-based, internationally-recognized government struggles to reconcile with the military powerbase of General Haftar’s Cyrenaica-based government. Indeed, the Government of National Accord (GNA) and the Libyan National Army (LNA) are still clashing against each other. In this context, a significant portion of the Libyan population has remained loyal to Gaddafi’s legacy, a trend which is also partially due to the complete collapse of functioning institutions in the post-Gaddafi era (2). Support is particularly high in the territories with historical and tribal ties to the Gaddafi regime (3). The PFLL was established in December 2016 and has since been involved in a number of clashes and political confrontations (4). In early 2016, for instance, Gaddafi loyalists joined the offensive on Sirte (Gaddafi’s hometown) to push back Islamic State in Libya (IS-L) forces from the city, fighting alongside the UN-backed government (5). Since then, though, cooperation with the UN-backed government in Tripoli has been rare. In 2017, PFLL-affiliated militants were seemingly defeated in clashes with other militias in Tripoli (6). In 2018, some PFLL sleeper cells were disbanded in Tripoli (7). More contemporarily, fighters associated with the “Green Resistance” have opted to occasionally fight alongside General Haftar’s Libyan National Army, such as during the 2019 Western Libya offensive (8). Ideology & Objectives The PFLL’s official website lists a number of fundamental objectives that the group aims to achieve, some of which include the restoration of Libyan national sovereignty, security, and a moderate approach to Islam (9). Furthermore, the PFLL considers NATO and the UN as the primary instigators of Gaddafi’s (and the Jamahiriya’s) downfall and of the current predicament of Libya as a relatively unstable country (10). Ideologically, the PFLL is thus strongly anti-Western, as well as anti-Zionist (11). One of the primary leitmotiv of the PFLL’s social media campaign is the rehabilitation of Colonel Gaddafi’s rule and of the Socialist People's Libyan Arab Jamahiriya, as the country was known during most his rule. This is evidenced by the frequent posting of media related to Gaddafi’s political activity. Additionally, the PFLL gives ample coverage to the history of the 2011 civil war and especially to the life of Saif Al-Islam Al-Gaddafi, their current leader. This is significant because Al-Gaddafi's candidacy for the presidency of Libya in an unscheduled election is one of the most important political objectives of the PFLL, if not its primary reason for existence. Accordingly, the Gaddafis' claim to rule over Libya gains continuity and validity through the PFLL’s juxtaposition of Colonel Gaddafi and Saif as historical figures of equal significance. For instance, the former's legacy is projected into the past, implicitly reinforcing Saif's potential future political role. This Facebook post claims that "Libyan Arab people have declare direct democratic power in the Libyan Socialist Arab Republic, embracing popular sovereignty, socialism, and defence of their homeland." This post also praises the People's General Conference held in 1977, where "the revolutionary vision of Colonel Muammar Al-Gaddafi was solidified". Political & Military Abilities Given that Libya has not had a parliamentarian election since 2014, the PFLL holds no seat in the Tripoli parliament. The various vicissitudes of Saif Al-Gaddafi, including his trial in absentia, his imprisonment, his release, and the looming threat of trial by the International Criminal Court (ICC) have likely prevented him from effectively leading the PFLL as an effective political force (12). As a major figure in his father’s regime until the collapse of the Great Socialist People's Libyan Arab Jamahiriya (the country’s official name up to 2011), Saif Al-Gaddafi was considered responsible for some of the crimes and alleged atrocities committed during the 2011 civil war. As a result, Saif had to live in hiding due to an ICC arrest warrant and a death sentence in absentia issued in Tripoli. In 2021, Saif Al-Gaddafi was cleared to run as a presidential candidate (13) and has since then been able to elevate his status as a political figure by actively participating in major political debates (14). The de facto diarchy of the Tripoli- and the Tobruk-based governments has left many Libyans uninterested and disillusioned with politics, but it is unknown to what extent this may favour a Gaddafi candidacy (15). Simultaneously, the PFLL seems to have limited violent undertakings and operations, and this makes a precise estimate of their actual capabilities and equipment difficult. The PFLL, through Saif Al-Gaddafi’s personal wealth estimated at around 30 Billion USD, is likely to have abundant resources (16). International Relations and Alliances The leader of the Popular Front for the Liberation of Libya, Saif al-Gaddafi, is known to have had contacts with members of the Russian PMC Wagner (17). Indeed, the PMC Wagner Group has been known to operate in Libya for years, and prominently in the eastern region of Cyrenaica controlled by General Haftar’s Libyan National Army (18). Their involvement in the region is centred around controlling critical oil and gas production infrastructure, while also supporting the LNA with heavy weaponry and air strike capabilities (including the use of Su-24 and MiG-29 aircraft) and restoring military bases and infrastructure for their own purposes (19). It has also been noted that the LNA itself has little control over Wagner activities (20). In this context, Wagner PMC operates independently with significant influence in Libya. Engaging with them is likely a strategy aimed at securing political space within Libya's fragile context for the PFLL. At the same time, it indirectly puts pressure on the LNA, given that Wagner PMC is situated in LNA's territory. Regarding the two current major Libyan forces, the LNA and the GNA, the PFLL has varied relations. On the one hand, General Haftar himself has publicly declared no objections against Saif Al-Gaddafi’s presidential run (21). However, relations to the Tripoli-based GNA – which is now formally submitting to the Government of National Unity but still operating independent of it – are difficult to ascertain due to the inherent political instability of Tripolitania. While Saif Al-Gaddafi was in hiding, absconding from a death sentence emitted in Tripoli, the PFLL repeatedly agitated against the GNA and fought on the side of the LNA multiple times. However, ever since Al-Gaddafi was politically rehabilitated in Tripoli, the PFLL has kept a low profile, possibly indicating an ongoing attempt at détente with the internationally recognised government. For example, Russian operatives suspected of espionage on Saif Al-Gaddafi’s behalf have been released by the GNA (22). Additional Resources

Introduction & Overview Abu Hafs al-Masri Brigades (كتائب أبو حفص المصري) are a group which are alleged to be a branch of, or a part of, al-Qaeda. The organisation is named after former Egyptian policeman Mohammed Atef (also known as Abu Hafs) who was a former member of Ayman al-Zawahiri's Islamic Jihad (al-Jihad al-Islami). Mohammed Atef was also a relative of Osama bin Laden after his daughter had married the latter’s son. Although the group has claimed several high profile bombings such as the 2004 Madrid train attacks and the Marriott Hotel bombing in Jakarta in 2003, there is no actual proof that a group by the name of Abu Hafs al Masri Brigades actually exists. Instead, there are competing claims that deny the group’s real existence, most of these being based on the fact that some of their attacks were the results of technical failures rather than terrorist actions – such as the 2003 August power grid failures in the United States. History & Foundations The Abu Hafs al-Masri Brigades, or the Abu Hafs al-Masri Battalion, emerged in the early 2000s. As aforementioned, the group was named after Abu Hafs al-Masri, an Egyptian veteran of the Soviet-Afghan War and a prominent figure in the militant Islamist movement. The exact origins and motivations behind the formation of the Abu Hafs al-Masri Brigades are not clear. The most concrete argument behind the group’s foundations claims that it emerged as a splinter faction of al-Qaeda and that it has at least affiliated itself with the broader global jihadist movement. The group gained public attention in 2005 after it claimed responsibility for the 7/7 bombings (7th of July 2005 London bombings) which killed 6 people. However, the authenticity of this claim remains disputed, and some analysts believe the group may have claimed it to gain attention (Global Terrorism Database, 2005). The Abu Hafs al-Masri Brigades claimed responsibility for various attacks and threats around the world, including bombings, hijacking plots, and issuing statements in support of jihadist causes. Nevertheless, the extent of its actual operational capabilities and the veracity of its claims have also been subject to scepticism (The Jamestown Foundation, 2004). Over time, the group's activities seemed to decline, and its significance diminished. By the mid-2000s, there were fewer public statements and claims attributed to the Abu Hafs al-Masri Brigades. This suggests that the group has potentially been weakening or fragmenting for some time, if it even ever existed. Objectives & Ideology Allegedly, the Abu Hafs al-Masri Brigades aimed to promote their extremist ideology and the group generally shared characteristics which are commonly found amongst jihadist groups affiliated with, or inspired by, al-Qaeda. The group advocated for a radical interpretation of Islam and sought to establish an Islamic state governed by their strict interpretation of Sharia law. It viewed the West, particularly the United States and its allies, as enemies of Islam and has sought to undermine their influence and presence in Muslim-majority countries. Additionally, the group opposed the military presence of Western countries – particularly that of the United States – in Muslim-majority nations such as Iraq and Afghanistan. It has also condemned the Italian government due to its involvement in the Iraq war and issued several warnings to then Prime Minister, Silvio Burlusconi stating “We are giving Silvio Berlusconi a fifteen-day reprieve to withdraw from Iraq”, “15 days may be the final opportunity for you”, “The truce we had offered you [...] has almost ended” and also offering a “last warning to the Italian nation” (The Jamestown Foundation, 2004). The group also issued warnings to European nations after they had claimed the 2004 Turkey attack on a masonic lodge in which they stated “Mujahidin from the Abu Hafs al-Masri Brigades carried out the first in a series of operations that will be waged in the face of the European countries, [...] European capitals will witness in the coming days a series of operations carried out by Mujahideen, who are lying in waiting, yearning for martyrdom in God’s path” (The Jamestown Foundation, 2004). Military & Political Abilities The Abu Hafs Masri Brigades' operational skills are unknown. While some observers speculate that they are just an online propaganda front, others are more likely to accept their claims of attacks, such as the alleged Madrid bombings, at face value. However, later investigations did not corroborate the group's participation in the Madrid attacks (Cole, 2004). According to a MEMRI research investigation by Prof. Yigal Carmon (MEMRI founder), the Brigades' claims of responsibility are unfounded given the Brigades' history of making erroneous claims, including ones about non-terrorist activities (Carmon, 2004). However due to the MEMRI founders previous role of 22 years as a colonel in the Israeli military intelligence service, this does need to be mentioned as there have been claims that they have effectively been a ‘psyop’ platform used to disingenuously misrepresent and mistranslate Arabic news broadcasts (Whitaker, 2002). Further arguments and elements which complement the ambiguity of the group’s ties to Al Qaeda involve the lack of intellectual infrastructure typical of genuine Islamist mujahid statements. For instance, quotations from the Qur'an, the Hadith, or prominent scholars that support their views, are absent from texts released under the group’s name. This, according to Professor Carmon, suggests a nationalist goal as opposed to an Islamist one. The main question at hand involves the impact of the commotion surrounding the Abu Hafs al-Masri Brigades on their own cause. Indeed, if the group indeed exists, the possibility of a disinformation campaign by the Brigades arises, aimed at purposefully misleading governments and security services. The concern is that such a campaign could divert attention from real threats posed by other verified Islamist groups. In a previous statement from the organisation, made at the start of July 2004, they provided what could be considered a "plan" for the upcoming time period, which included the directive to “enlarge the circle of the struggle by distributing the operations all over the world [...] scatter and exhaust the enemy [...] and form small organisations under different names, like the Jama’at al-Tawhid, and Jihad and the Abu Hafs al-Masri Brigades. This will make it difficult for the enemy to discover and hunt them down and will scatter the security organs’ efforts [...]” (The Jamestown Foundation, 2004). Approach to Resistance Due to the ambiguous nature of the group, its approach to resistance is relatively unreliable to unpack. If the group truly does exist as a tangible organisation, then it may be responsible for one of the largest Islamist terror attacks in European history – the Madrid train bombings in 2004, amongst other claimed attacks. However, due to the high potential that it is a non-existent group, its approach to resistance may simply revolve around being a disinformation platform propped up by another Islamist group, such as al-Qaeda. This would serve a major goal, being that it would distract the varying security apparatus of enemy states from the activities of other ‘legitimate’ groups which can use the disinformation screen provided by the Abu Hafs al-Masri Brigades as a way to cover preparations for upcoming attacks. International Relations & Potential Alliances In the assumption that the group may indeed exist, its potential alliances would effectively be limited to al-Qaeda and its allies, for it is a subsidiary group within it. However, this is all contingent on whether or not this group truly exists and if it isn't a mere disinformation/misdirection group, as aforementioned. Additional Resources

Insurgency Overview The National Socialism Association (NSA) is a Taiwanese far-right political organization. Despite having been labeled as a Nazi or neo-Nazi group by organizations such as Fox News, the Jerusalem Post and the Taipei Times, they deny this label. The NSA has never engaged in any acts of violence or terrorism and its members rarely even meet in person, with their activity mostly revolving around online campaigns and virtual events. As of 2007, there were only 20 dues-paying members, and it does not seem the organization has grown significantly since then (1). History & Foundations The origins of the NSA is somewhat unclear, as sources list differing dates and name different people as founders and leaders. However, between 2005 and 2007, members of the now-defunct forum twnazi.org began forming what would later be known as the National Socialism Association (2). Haaretz reported in 2007 that the group was led by 23-year-old Yue Shu-ya and co-founded by Lahn Chao (趙威). The same year, the Taipei Times reported that it was instead co-founded by university students Hsu Na-chi (許娜綺 and Lahn Chao (3). Although the source of this ambiguity is not entirely certain, it seems that it stems off the inconsistencies of the group’s hierarchy, which can be traced back to its roots as an online forum. Seemingly so, different individuals have attempted to take credit for founding the group. Objectives & Ideology Like many far-right political organizations, a large motivator for the NSA stems from fears that Taiwan’s ‘national stock’ is becoming ‘diluted’ from mainly Southeast Asian people who are moving to the island for better pay and work opportunities. This is despite the fact that 95% of the island’s population shares a heritage from mainland China (4). Lahn Chao, the alleged co-founder of the NSA, has said that he wants to limit the amount of foreign workers in Taiwan; as of 2019, there were 706,000 foreign workers in Taiwan (5), mainly from Indonesia, Vietnam and the Philippines, comprising 0.03% of the total population. More provokingly, Hsu Na-chi has said that, “if foreign laborers have children in Taiwan, the government must exterminate them. In order to stop our genetic stock from further deterioration, strict monitoring and cruel punishments are called for” (3). However, later in a BBC interview, she withdrew this statement and soon afterwards the NSA apologized to the Israeli Representative Office in Taiwan for anti-Semitic remarks on their website (8). Despite comments like those from Hsu, which have fuelled the allegations of the NSA’s links with neo-Nazi ideology, Yue Shu-ya has attempted to justify their views by emphasizing that they “want to study Hitler's good points, not study his massacres. It has nothing to do with Naziism” (6). Shang Emile, who was one of the heads of the Taipei Municipal Government, said, “Many young people [in Taiwan] don't know what National Socialism is all about. I don't know if they are really racist.” (1)(7) Shang also had Hsu Na-chi in one of his classes when he taught at Soochow University. Both of the main political parties in Taiwan have used images of Hitler in the past. In 2001, for instance, the Democratic Progressive Party used an image of Hitler for a TV advertisement and in 2005 the Kuomintang (KMT) used his image during the presidential election. (7) Military & Political Abilities Owing to the extremely low numbers that the NSA has, it is highly unlikely that they possess any form of military or political capabilities. There was one reported “party conference” in 2007, but this amounted to mainly high school students attending (1). Being high school students, however, it may be rhetorically questioned whether these students had sincerity in their beliefs of Nazi ideals. This question can be drawn when noting that, when a BBC reporter asked college students in a KMT organization (Taiwan’s conservative and nationalist political party) if they had heard of the group, none of them had. In fact, many expressed unwillingness to even learn about the organization due to what they knew about Naziism (8). Even the group’s website, twnazi.org, only had around 1,500 members when it was still around, which signifies that the group’s prospects of evolving past a ‘fringe movement’, per se, are not high (8). As of 2023 it appears that the group is either completely defunct or has no political traction. There are no articles about the group that appear online from the last decade. Approach to Resistance The group tries to take a mainstream approach to political agitation and resistance. They have applied to be recognized as an official political organization but they weren’t successful in this regard, as evidenced by the fact they they do not appear on any list of political parties in Taiwan (9)(10). Other than trying to register as a political party, the group’s main approach is internet-based. It is likely that the group was trying to build a large following online which would then translate into members meeting in real life. International Relations & Potential Alliances Being a group that espouses Nazi ideals, the NSA has drawn some attention amongst other ideologically-similar organizations. For example, the group was mentioned in a Stormfront thread in 2007, with favorable comments being said about it (11). Nevertheless, no formal alliance has ever been established. There are recent instances in Taiwan of neo-Nazi activities, such as a group publicly celebrating Hitler’s birthday in 2023, but no formal links to the NSA were established on this occasion (12). Additional Resources

Insurgency Overview The Gulen Movement, or Hizmet, is the name given to the global network of followers of Fethullah Gulen, a Turkish Sunni Imam who is currently claiming asylum in The United States. Gulenists are against secularism but believe in a “tolerant Islam” where a society is run by Islamic values but is also open to other cultures and religions. (1) It is also characterised by a belief in forward progress in science, culture and art. At its core it wants to show that Islam can be modern whilst also keeping its culture and traditions. Gulen opened his first school in 1966 and since then has opened over 1000 schools in 100 different countries around the world. These schools are not necessarily Islamic schools but are high quality schools which teach a range of subjects to students of all religious backgrounds. The core belief behind these schools is that education and progress in the world is a holy thing. The group is active all over the world, however it is recognised as a terrorist organisation in countries such as Turkey, Saudi Arabia and Pakistan. (2) The Gulen Movement does not have a centralised structure but rather sees itself as a network or community of people and organisations who subscribe to the teachings of Fethullah Gulen. The Gulen movement is widely believed to have been behind the failed 2016 military coup attempt in Turkey though the evidence around this is murky. They were originally seen as a missionary and charity organisation since 1982 and were not seen as a controversial or even militant group until their split from Turkey's ruling AKP Party in 2013. (3) The Gulenists are widely seen in Turkey as being part of a sort of parallel state or deep state that holds positions of power in all the country's major institutions such as education, the military, the police and the judiciary. This was another reason the group was accused of the 2016 military coup. The Gulen Movement holds significantly less power and influence in Turkey since the failed coup due to the mass purges and arrests which followed it. (4) History & Foundations Fethullah Gulen was born in Turkey between 1938 and 1941, it is not known for certain. He was born into a fiercely secular Turkey in which all forms of public religious expression were banned. He became a licensed Imam in 1958 and followed the ideology espoused by Kurdish cleric Said Nusri who believed that Islam should embrace modernity. (2) The movement's origins come from Gulen setting up reading and discussion groups in the early 1960s. In 1966 Gulen started building his first boarding schools and gaining a bit of a following due to his preaching. Throughout the 1970s he continued to build schools, charities and other civil society organisations whilst his following and influence continued to expand into a movement. They began building schools internationally, generally in majority muslim soviet countries and then eventually expanded globally into more countries such as Europe, The United States, Korea and Australia. (2) In 1980, following a military coup in Turkey by a military who claimed they were defending secularism, there was a crackdown on high profile religious figures and Gulen went on the run before being arrested and sentenced to jail for 6 years. Gulen settled in the United States in 1999 and has been there ever since. The Gulen movement began growing closer ties with Erdogan and his Justice and Development Party (AKP). The two organisations worked together to strengthen Islam within Turkey with The AKP focusing on political Islam and The Gulen Movement focusing on social Islam. (5) In 2003 The AKP came to power in Turkey and set about solidifying Islam's place within Turkish society. A big goal of The AKP was to lessen the Turkish military's influence over domestic affairs as they were seen as the defenders of secularism and had regularly initiated coups to tackle islamists in government in Turkey. Rifts began to grow between Erdogan and Gulen as they both wrestled for power over the country. Gulen had supporters in many high up places within Turkish society Erdogan felt that he was running his own parallel state. This included having Gulen supporters holding positions in the judiciary, police, media and in Turkish universities. (6) They both used their power and influence to commit tit-for-tat acts against each other. In 2010 Gulenists were believed to be behind the corruption allegations that were put on high profile members of The AKP. In 2013, Erdogan announced the closure of hundreds of private schools in Turkey – most of which were a part of The Gulen Movement. In May of 2016, Erodgan officially declared The Gulen Movement as a terrorist organisation and demanded the extradition of Fethullah Gulen from The United States to Turkey. The US government refused this on the basis that there is no actual evidence to suggest he has committed any crimes or is a terrorist. (7) On the 15th July 2016 there was an attempted military coup in Turkey by a small faction of soldiers within the military. They tried to seize key government buildings in Ankara but the coup was quickly put down by Turkish civilians and the majority of the military who were loyal to the state. Erdogan immediately blamed the Gulenists for this coup whilst Gulen and his followers denied any involvement. Gulen slammed the coup as undemocratic and needlessly violent. He stated that “Through military intervention, Democracy cannot be achieved”. Gulen himself has stated that he believes the coup was a false flag operation run by Erodgan himself in order to justify a purge of the military. The soldiers involved in the alleged coup released a statement in which they called themselves “The Peace at Home Council” and this is a reference to a famous quote from the Turkish Republic's founder Mustafa Kemal Attaturk so it seems very unlikely that Islamist Gulenists were behind this coup attempt. (5) Following the coup, mass purges began in Turkish society. A state of emergency was declared and thousands of military officers, judges, journalists, officials and Gulen supporters were arrested. This massively harmed the movement within Turkey but the organisation's international presence grew as thousands of supporters fled to countries such as Germany and The Netherlands.(6) Ideology & Objectives Gulenists believe in spreading a form of tolerant and progressive Islam. On the movement's official website they claim not to support political Islam but this has been widely debated. The movement started by building schools and hospitals but many anti-gulenists believe that these were potentially a front in order to cement itself further into Turkish institutions and society so that they may one day take power. Gulens schools are all completely secular within the classroom and school day but offer a wide range of extra curricular activities that promote Islam and Turkish culture. In Europe the schools mostly cater to Turkish immigrants but they are open to everyone. The fees for Gulenist schools are generally very low as they are subsidized by his supporters.(8) The Gulenists also have progressive views towards the role of women in society and strongly believe in women receiving an education. (8) In 1999 Gulen controversially said “move within the arteries of the system, without anyone noticing your existence, until you reach all the power centers”. This pushed the idea that the Gulen Movement was trying to create its own sort of parallel state by installing its own people in positions of power before it took over the country. The movement has been very critical of Turkey's ruling AKP party but yet it has never pushed itself to get directly involved in politics, this is one of the many reasons why it is suspicious that Erdogan claims the Gulenists were behind the 2016 coup attempt. Many believe their objectives to be unclear and this is possibly down to the fact that the group does not have a stated end-goal and publicly, is trying to spread education. It is curious that a group who are so often accused of trying to take control of the Turkish State have never once attempted to run someone for office. Speaking to the BBC, Turkish Journalist Fehmi Koru stated that “I know that their interest in education is not enough for them, they want more, but what? I suggested in my columns that they set up their own party and ask for a mandate to run the country. They did not.”(5) Military & Political Capabilities The military abilities of The Gulen Movement are widely contested. The movement was of course accused of staging a military coup in 2016 but it does seem unlikely that this was the case. The Gulenists had many people high up in the apparatus of the Turkish state including judges, police and civil servants, however, they do not exercise as much control in the military as is claimed by AKP supporters. The Gulenists are after all, pro Islam whereas the traditional role of the military in Turkey since its foundation in 1924 has always been to defend secularism. (9) The Gulenists political capabilities took a massive hit after the 2016 coup and the purges that followed. Following the coup over 90,000 people were arrested and around 1,500 businesses and organisations shut down for having ties to The Gulen movement. Thousands of Gulenists fled the country and it became unsafe to openly declare yourself as a Gulenist. Thus the power the Gulenists now hold in Turkish parliamentary politics or in civil society is effectively non-existent and it is impossible to run in Turkish elections as a Gulenist. Whilst the movement never placed a strong emphasis on gaining political power, it would have had many supporters and sympathisers in the parliament before the purges. (4) Approach to Resistance Gulen and his supporters have opened thousands of institutions such as schools, hospitals, businesses and charities. The reasoning behind this approach is disputed. Gulen has claimed that through education and charity you can uplift and empower people to turn Islam into a religion of progress and modernity. This is different to how his critics will claim that these institutions he has set up are a plot in order to get his own people into positions of power within Turkey. Gulens schools are not managed or controlled by Gulen himself but are rather schools set up by people who follow Gulens teachings and philosophy. Throughout the world The Gulen Movement has sponsored a number of Turkish businesses. The pre-coup Gulenists also owned many newspapers and magazines, many of which were expropriated and put under pro-erdogan control following the coup. (10) International Relations & Potential Alliances The Gulenist Movement is often seen as quite isolated from any wider Islamist movement. It is distinctly Turkish and generally is strongest in countries with a large Turkish diaspora population such as Germany or The Netherlands. Gulen has often placed a strong emphasis on Muslim immigrants assimilating into European society so perhaps this can explain why the Gulenists have often been reluctant to form too many ties with other, overtly Islamic groups. (7) Additional Resources

Insurgency Overview SADAT International Defense and Consultancy is a Turkish-based private military contractor (PMC). Founded in 2012 by retired Brigadier General Adnan Tanrıverdi, the organization has close ties to the government of Recep Tayyip Erdogan and has become a tool used to promote Turkey’s foreign policy goals in places such as Syria, Libya, and Nagorno-Karabakh. Uniquely, SADAT promotes a pan-Islamic worldview which aims to make Muslim countries self-sufficient and capable of having their own military alliance. History & Foundations Tanrıverdi found himself targeted for his Islamist views, apparently being dismissed from the army in the late 1990s. However, the political climate in Turkey underwent a transformation, marked by an increasing embrace of religion within politics. This shift became commonplace and ultimately overshadowed the secular worldview which was held by the Kemalists. Tanrıverdi had become a close friend of Recep Tayyip Erdogan, who rose to power in 2003 and has remained so ever since. With their shared Islamic worldview, the two became natural allies and Tanrıverdi has even become a reported close advisor for the Turkish President. Another event in the 1990s would contribute to the SADAT founder’s worldview. (1) Yugoslavia’s disintegration in the 1990s led to sectarian strife, culminating in the genocide of Bosniak Muslims by Serbian forces. From Tanrıverdi's perspective, as well as that of many other Muslims, the response from Western powers to the Bosniak situation was insufficient, if not actively harmful. Despite a bombing campaign that eventually halted the Serbs' offensive, it came too late to prevent the mass killings in Srebrenica. Additionally, an arms embargo hindered the Bosniaks from acquiring the necessary weapons for self-defense. This had convinced Tanrıverdi of the need for a military alliance that would put Muslims’ defense first and foremost. (2) With an ally in power and shifting global and regional political dynamics, Tanrıverdi and other former military officers formed SADAT in 2012. They aimed not only to be an extension of Turkish foreign policy, but to create a new Islamist world order of their own. (1) Ideology & Objectives SADAT’s pan-Islamic, anti-western worldview is the driving force behind its actions. Tanrıverdi wants more than to just be a supplement to Turkey’s foreign policy; he seeks the creation of a new set of institutions, states, and coalitions that would parallel and challenge those of the liberal western world order. Predicting that the coming century will be volatile, he states “peace and justice in the world hinges upon [the] appearance of Islamic Countries as a superpower on the global political scene." Through these steps, Tanrıverdi believes the Muslim world can counter the world led by the United States and United Nations, which it views as exploitative and inattentive to their needs. SADAT’s ideology is not independent of Turkish nationalistic views. According to Tanrıverdi's perspective, which aligns with Erdogan's promotion of the neo-Ottoman nationalist position, Turkey should assume leadership of the global Islamic coalition. Authoritatively, "the unity of the Islamic countries depends on the leadership of Turkey; and the leadership of Turkey and the Islamic countries depends on the ability to render the national will dominant over all institutions of the state."(2) Military & Political Capabilities SADAT enjoys close ties with the government of Recep Tayyip Erdogan. During the 2016 coup attempt led by factions within the Turkish military, SADAT faced accusations of taking part in the suppression of the uprising.(3) Erdogan was recently reelected to another term as president; the continued reign of its close political ally means SADAT’s influence is more likely to grow than diminish over the coming years. Given Wagner’s recent adventure against Putin, some have wondered whether Tanrıverdi could eventually become rogue. However, there are no indications of tension so far and SADAT differs from Wagner in significant ways. Though SADAT has a history of supporting Turkish-backed military adventures, “it does not appear to publicly offer a direct action or combat arms capability, like the former Executive Outcomes or the existing Wagner Group.” Its focus is offering training to different armed actors, such as the Syrian National Army and forces of the Government of National Accord in Libya.(4) According to its manifesto, the group offers conventional, unconventional, special forces, naval, and security training to countries and causes it supports. Approach to Resistance SADAT seeks a total restructuring of the “Muslim world.” Under this new model of organization, majority-Muslim states would reorganize into confederations based on their geography. For example, Afghanistan, Bangladesh, Iran, and Pakistan would combine into the Confederate Muslim States of the Near East. Turkey, Azerbaijan, Northern Cyprus, and others would become part of a central Asian Confederate. Each of these unions would enter into a defense organization with each other (essentially an Islamic NATO). Other international bodies such as an Islamic general assembly (akin to the UN) and a court of human rights would be established. Tanrıverdi also believes it is important for these states to develop their own defense capacity to become less reliant on the west. An additional goal of this system is to provide support to Palestine. “Every effort should be made including use of force” to aid Palestine according to the group’s manifesto. This includes each Islamic country providing some element of military aid to Palestine and the establishment of a Palestinian army. Furthermore, every Muslim should visit Palestine and al-Aqsa to appreciate the circumstances of the conflict with Israel. (5) International Relations & Potential Alliances SADAT has played important roles already in implementing aspects of Turkish foreign policy in places like Libya, Syria, and in the Karabakh war between Azerbaijan and Armenia. In Libya, SADAT recruited, trained, and supervised payment of Syrian mercenaries for deployment to help the UN-recognized Government of National Accord (which aligns with Turkey’s foreign policy goals despite the group’s own opinions of the UN). According to a U.S. Department of Defense report, SADAT is responsible for up to 5,000 mercenaries in Libya, along with training some of the GNA’s armed forces.(6) It was accused of similarly transporting Syrian mercenaries in aid of Azerbaijan in Karabakh and providing financial compensation for those willing to go.(7) These mercenaries played a vital war in Azerbaijan’s war, enduring a higher death rate than Azeri forces by some estimates.(8) Having taken part in the training of many Syrian opposition groups, SADAT was the perfect middleman to aid in recruiting and mobilisation of fighters to other countries. (9) Tanrıverdi’s men are accused of aiding radical Jihadist groups. Israeli intelligence believes they are supporting the Gaza-based jihadist group Hamas.(10) Additionally, Turkish mob Sedat Perker boss has accused the group of aiding the Jihadist group HTS in Syria.(1) HTS has used Turkish armoured vehicles in the past; whether they were obtained in the way Perker has stated is unconfirmed. Turkey’s aggressive foreign policy shows no signs of slowing down, likely meaning a continued role for SADAT. If Tanrıverdi gets his way, it will one day lead to a multi-polar world, with a pan-Islamic block as one of its main powers. Additional Resources

Insurgency Overview The Jalisco New Generation Cartel (Cartel Jalisco Nueva Generación, or CJNG) is one of Mexico's largest and most powerful cartels. It first appeared in 2009 as a splinter group of the Milenio Cartel. The CJNG is mostly recognised for its aggressive tactics and growing influence throughout Mexico. Kidnapping, drug and human trafficking, extortion, and other illicit operations are all methods employed by the group to maintain its effective control over the areas it occupies. Nemesio Oseguera Cervantes, "El Mencho," one of the world's most sought-after drug lords, is the organisation's current leader and is based in the Mexican state of Jalisco. For any information that will lead to his arrest, the Mexican government is offering $30 million pesos, while the US government is offering $10 million (1). History & Foundations The CJNG rose from a power vacuum caused by a split of the Milenio Cartel. Once a close ally of the Sinaloa cartel, the Milenio Cartel acted as an armed wing as well as aiding in their drug movement operations, starting around 2003. It mainly operated in the provinces of Jalisco and Michoacán. Óscar Nava Valencia, “El Lobo”, was the leader of the Milenio Cartel and, in 2010, was captured and extradited to the United States on drug charges. Ignacio Coronel Villarreal, “El Nacho”, was a Sinaloa leader who played a large part in the alliance between the Sinaloa Cartel and the Milenio Cartel. He was killed by Mexican forces in July 2010. With these leaders, “El Lobo” and “El Nacho,” gone, the Milenio Cartel faced severe internal problems, causing the cartel to split into two different groups: “La Resistencia” and the “Torcidos” (“The Twisted Ones”) for control of the Jalisco region. La Resistencia claims that the Torcidos gave up El Lobo to the Mexican police, and it is due to this accusation that they are referred to as the Torcidos. The Torcidos would become what is now the CJNG. Nemesio Oseguera Ramos, “El Mencho,” is the current leader and is also labeled as the founder of the CJNG. Other founding members of the CJNG are Martin Arzola Ortega “El 53” and Erick Valencia “El 85”. All of them share the same experience of operating within the Milenio cartel (1). In 2009, the CJNG began operating under the name Matazetas (Zeta Killers), and they made it their mission to hunt down opposing cartel members of the Los Zetas cartel. Later on, the CJNG would be recognised as it is now. Three bodies were discovered inside an abandoned truck in a Cancun neighbourhood. At the scene, a message read: “We are the new group Mata Zetas (Zeta Killers), and we are against kidnapping and extortion, and we will fight them in all states for a cleaner Mexico”. The deaths were linked to an earlier video published online, which shows these three individuals being interviewed by six masked men carrying assault weapons. The three interviewed were cartel members who admitted to their crimes, as well as the names of officials who had aided them (2). The spring of 2011 marked the date that the CJNG would announce its declaration of war on all of the other cartels in Mexico. This year would be infamous for the massacres that would occur. On September 20, 2011, 35 dead bodies were found in two different trucks in Boca del Rio, Veracruz. These bodies are all claimed to belong to members of Los Zetas (3). Over time, the CJNG would make the news more frequently for their violent attacks, which oftentimes included civilians, police, and other cartel members. Interestingly, their current largest rivals are their former partners, the Sinaloa Cartel. Ideology & Objectives The CJNG has a broad range of goals, some of which are aimed at increasing its geographic influence and dominance, conquering rival cartels, and being the head of the drug trade. These goals are not largely different from the goals of rival cartels, as most of them are fighting for control and to dominate the drug trade. So far, the CJNG has made itself a top player in Mexico's drug trade, and it is mostly recognised for its production and transportation of cocaine, methamphetamine, fentanyl, and heroin. Currently, the CJNG is known to be operating in at least 27 of Mexico's 32 states. They mainly dominate the states of Jalisco, Veracruz, Colima, Nayarit, Mexico State, and Guerrero. Many of the territories they have a presence in are also heavily contested by other rival cartels such as the Sinaloa Cartel, Los Zetas, and the Pajaros Sierra. The border between Michoacan and Jalisco is a notable area of conflict. The Pajaros Sierra cartel operates heavily in that area to try and expand its reach into CJNG territory (4). The Diversification of their activities is another important objective of the CJNG, as the CJNG does not only involve itself in drug trafficking. They also participate in kidnappings, extortion, and even oil theft. Their economic diversification solidifies their position, so if one revenue stream fails or is disrupted, they have more to fall back on. Intimidation over their territories is another key way in which the CJNG successfully operates. Journalists, civilians, police, opposing cartel members, politicians, and even ex-police officers are among those targeted. They use murder and other violent tactics to inspire terror in order to stop any resistance from citizens and security personnel. Among these are neighbourhood hangings of dead bodies and widespread beheadings, dismemberments, and beatings that result in death. Law enforcement and other governmental agencies are among the institutions that the CJNG seeks to infiltrate. The cartel attempts to diminish the rule of law that is present in the aforementioned regions by using coercive techniques such as bribery and violent threats to ensure its ability to perform criminal activities without fear of reprisal. Military Capabilities As of today, the CJNG is one of the most powerful militarised crime syndicates in the world. They frequently post videos of their supply of weapons, and there are videos of sicarios carrying around military-grade weaponry such as .50-caliber rifles, varying types of assault rifles, grenades, and C4 explosives. Videos have also surfaced of the CJNG utilizing civilian drones to conduct surveillance and even aerial bombings on targets. In addition to their extensive arsenal, they have also used homemade armoured vehicles. In a recently released video, the CJNG shows off a brigade of armoured trucks with makeshift turrets mounted on top and covered in plate-steel armour. Many masked men are seen in the video with bulletproof vests with the words CJNG on them. The weapons that they have access to have posed a large issue that Mexican security forces and civilians have had to contend with (5). Approach to Resistance To obtain its objectives, the CJNG utilises a variety of different intimidation techniques, which include torture, beheading, public executions, dismemberment, kidnapping, and reports of cannibalism, among others. These acts are used to intimidate rival cartels and others that could pose a threat to their rule. Blockades and public confrontations with police and other cartels are common techniques that are used to establish themselves in whatever area they are in. They commonly upload videos of masked members carrying weapons to announce their arrival in an area; done to ensure that the public knows who 'runs the area'. Threats are commonplace for any cartel to operate. This is especially true with the CJNG, which openly threatens people's families and others as a means of forcing recruitment or to simply maintain dominance. Cases of cannibalism have recently surfaced. A video surfaced of a CJNG Sicario eating the heart straight out of an opposing sicario's chest. “Cannibal Schools,” which the CJNG operates, are recruitment centres that are given that title because of the methods of initiating members into the cartel. In these centres, they are taught how to cut flesh and are reportedly forced to eat the flesh in front of the boss (6). International Relations & Potential Alliances Although the CJNG mainly remains in Mexico, it has been known to operate in the U.S. and even has some traces in the European and African drug markets. The American Drug Enforcement Administration (DEA) led a year-long operation from May 2022 through May 2023 called “Operation Last Mile”. This operation focused on tracking down cartel distribution networks all over the United States. The two main cartels targeted were the CJNG and their rivals, The Sinaloa Cartel, which was formerly led by Joaquín “El Chapo” Guzmán. The majority of the methamphetamine and fentanyl movement into the U.S. can be traced to these two cartels. The operation found street gangs and criminal organisations associated with the cartels across various American cities. “Operation Last Mile” seized nearly 44 million fentanyl pills, $100 million, 91,000 pounds of methamphetamine, 8,497 firearms, and 6,500 pounds of fentanyl, and made 3,337 arrests. The DEA states that all of the fentanyl powder that was seized would have equated to 193 million deadly doses of Fentanyl (7). The violent and pervasive nature of the fight against cartels has led many conservative American politicians to call for using the American military in Mexico in order to fight the cartels. This is heavily debated but is becoming increasingly important as the fight against cartels in America has ramped up as a part of the war on drugs and has reached the American public in a way that has never been seen before (7). Additional Resources

Insurgency Overview The Taliban are a Pashtun fundamentalist Islamic group and political movement in Afghanistan. Formed by Mohammad Omar in 1994 (Olomi, 2021), they ruled around three quarters of the country for 5 years from 1996 following the Afghan civil war and the previous Soviet intervention in Afghanistan from 1978 to 1992. After being overthrown following the US invasion of Afghanistan in 2001, the Taliban initiated an insurgent campaign against the USA and its coalition partners, as well as the coalition-sponsored Afghan Government and its associated armed forces. Following 20 years of insurgent activities and the pull-out of US armed forces in 2021, the Taliban succeeded in regaining control of Kabul. With the regaining of control over Kabul and major portions of Afghanistan, the group established the Islamic Emirate of Afghanistan (Khan, 2021). Due to the group following and implementing a strict interpretation of Sharia, or Islamic Law (Matinuddin, 1997), the extent to which its rule over Afghanistan is considered ‘legitimate’ has been criticised. This is most notably due to the treatment of women, young girls and other minorities, including minority ethnic and religious groups as a result of the implementation of a strict interpretation of Sharia law (Rasmussen, 2022). History & Foundations Following the spread of communism and left-leaning politics in Afghanistan, the general Afghan populace experienced a gradual shift towards more socially-liberal norms, and hence began to adopt more left-leaning or liberal views on topics such as women's rights. The Afghan Mujahideen initially formed in response to the reforms initiated under the PDPA (Peoples Democratic Party of Afghanistan), which were aimed at "uprooting feudalism" (Bennett, 1999). Between April of 1978 and the Soviet Intervention in December of 1979, as many as 27,000 prisoners were executed at the Pul-e-Charkhi prison (Kaplan, 2008 p76). Many of the prisoners who were executed were village mullahs and headmen who were obstructing and demonstrating against the aforementioned modernisation and secularisation reforms, which would primarily impact the intensely religious Afghan countryside. This led to further mobilisation of mujahideen forces and the inflaming of preexisting socioeconomic and cultural tensions. In Arabic, Talib means 'student'; the Taliban are called 'students' (Talibs), for they were scholars of Islamic Law when they mobilised to fight against an 'anti-religious' narrative. This narrative was common among communist 'revolutionaries' in Afghanistan, who were primarily funded and schooled by the Soviet Union. The Taliban, a group of Pakistani and Afghan refugee students, were given fundamentalist political instruction and were urged to restore what they perceived as the degraded state of Islam around the world. The jihad against the Soviet Union was actively supported by the Taliban and their ulema teachers. Many of them had even served in the mujahideen, but who had progressively drifted away from the Peshawar authorities. They harshly criticised the Afghan mujahideen's post-Soviet internal strife and governance because they believed that they had blown a huge opportunity to capitalise on the defeat of the Soviet Union and their Afghan equivalents in the PDPA (Bennett, 1999 p29). After the intervention by the Soviet Union and the occupation of Afghanistan in 1979, Islamic Mujahideen insurgents present within Afghan territory waged a war against the Soviet forces. After the fall of the Soviet-backed regime in 1992, Afghan political parties agreed on a power sharing agreement in which the Islamic State of Afghanistan was created. However, multiple groups refused to take part in this agreement and a civil war ensued. This outbreak of violence led to the Taliban, formed by Mullah Mohammad Omar in 1994, taking control of the country in 1996. This signified that Mohammad Omar had become the head of state (Council on Foreign Relations, 2015). Under Mohammad Omar, the group instituted Sharia governance, which was criticised by global news outlets and the general international community for its perceived mistreatment of women, children and minority groups. By 1998, the Taliban controlled 90% of the country with the exception of certain northern territories which had resisted their takeover by the Taliban. The group also reportedly refused to hand over Osama Bin Laden in 1998, who was wanted for the bombings of US embassies in Nairobi and Dar es Salaam, following a US missile strike (Whitaker, 2001). Respectively, in their own views, the Taliban’s argument revolved around the US ‘deserving’ to be attacked on 9/11, notably as the group believed that the USA controls – or at least heavily influences – the governments of Islamic countries. This is consistent with the reasoning of the group’s founder, Mullah Mohammed Omar, who was interviewed by Voice of America in late September 2001, several weeks after al-Qaeda attackers struck the world trade centre buildings in New York. He refused to turn over Osama bin Laden, saying that it wasn’t “an issue” of al Qaeda’s leader but rather “an issue of Islam”. He went on to explain that “Islam’s prestige is at stake. So is Afghanistan’s tradition" and during the interview, he noted that “Americans will not be able to prevent such acts like the one that has just occurred, because America has taken Islam hostage" (Roggio and Joscelyn, 2019). Omar justified the terrorist attacks in the West and his reasoning was effectively the same as al Qaeda’s, as Osama bin Laden had repeatedly accused America of interfering in the Muslim-majority world and “occupying” Saudi Arabia (The Guardian, 2002). Following the 11th of September attacks and the Taliban government's refusal to hand over Osama Bin Laden to the United States, the US-led coalition invaded Afghanistan with the help of the Northern Alliance – a loose coalition of resistance groups mainly based in the north of the country, especially in the Mazār-e Sharīf region. This invasion led to the toppling of the Taliban government and the installation of Hamid Karzai as president, following the country’s first democratic elections since the Taliban takeover (Council on Foreign Relations, 2021). Following this, the Taliban led an insurgent war against coalition forces which lasted over 20 years and led to the deaths of over 176,000 people, including deaths from both sides of the war as well as civilian casualties (Watson Institute, 2021). The US-Taliban agreement, formally known as the Agreement for Bringing Peace to Afghanistan, was signed in Doha, Qatar, on February 29, 2020 (Qazi, 2020). The terms of the agreement included discussions between the Taliban and the Afghan government, as well as the removal of all American and NATO forces from Afghanistan. The Taliban also promised to keep al-Qaeda from functioning in any regions that they controlled. However, following the signing of the deal, there was in fact an increase in attacks by the Taliban upon government forces (Shalizi et al, 2020). The Taliban conducted a significant attack across Afghanistan in the middle of 2021 as US forces withdrew from the country; as of July 23, 2021, they controlled more than half of Afghanistan's districts (Ali and Stewart, 2021). By mid-August 2021, the Taliban had taken over all of Afghanistan's major cities, and they had successfully seized the Presidential Palace, henceforth enabling them to establish themselves as the rulers of Afghanistan. They subsequently established the Islamic Emirate of Afghanistan, returning to power after two decades (Madi et al, 2021). Although the Taliban are the de-facto rulers of contemporary Afghanistan, their government is not de-jure, as no country recognises their rule. Nevertheless, certain countries have engaged in talks, notably surrounding trade, with the Taliban since 2021 (China being one of the most prominent countries in this exchange). Taliban spokesman Zabihullah Mujahid has stated that the most burdening obstacle faced by the newly-formed Taliban government is the non-recognition of the Islamic Emirate by other countries, mainly prevented by the USA (Gul, 2022). Objectives & Ideology The core goals pursued by the Taliban are the establishment of Sharia law and a Taliban-run government in Afghanistan. The name of the organisation, which translates to ‘student’ in Arabic, makes it apparent that the tenets of the group are centred on the study of Salafism, an extremist interpretation of Islam. The anti-Soviet Mujahideen combatants' traditional Islamist beliefs in the 1980s had been replaced with a rigorous anti-modern Pashtun tribal ideology blended with radicalised Deobandi interpretations of Islam. According to the Deobandi school, Islamic societies have lagged behind the West in all areas of endeavour, because they have turned away from the Islamic prophet's original, unadulterated teachings and been deceived by the worldly and amoral 'illusions' of Westernisation. Deobandism is a conservative branch of Islamic orthodoxy that aspires to imitate Mohammed's life and times by adhering to a Salafist framework. The Dar ul-Ulum madrasa in Deoband, India, is where the Deobandi school of thought was established in 1867. Deobandi madrassas grew in popularity throughout South Asia and received governmental support in Pakistan after President Mohammed Zia-ul-Haq took over the country's leadership in 1977. It asserts that a Muslim's devotion and fundamental duty are to his religion. Adherents of the Deobandi school consider it their fundamental duty and right to carry out jihad in order to defend Muslims in any nation (Global Security, 2019). Traditional Islamism, on the other hand, refers to a broader movement of social and political groups motivated by Islamic doctrine. These movements seek to create societies that are governed by or infused with Islamic beliefs. They are proponents of using Sharia as the basis for all laws and government. To advance their vision of an Islamic society, traditional Islamists such as the Mujahideen, participated or currently participate in a variety of forms of activism, such as political activism, social welfare programmes, and educational endeavours. Notably, traditional Islamism includes both moderate and more conservative, or extremist, factions which are – and were – readily seen within the Mujahideen. This spans a broad spectrum of theological, political, and intellectual positions. The Taliban is committed to upholding and applying Sharia law in its strictest form (Rashid, 2020, p43). The group strongly advocates jihad among its members, promoting it as a "divine obligation" and claiming that refusing to support jihad is sin (Roggio and Weiss, 2017). Military & Political Abilities The Taliban have utilised many forms of violence in their attacks and their military abilities are varied. Taliban attacks primarily target Afghan government and NATO/coalition forces. The Taliban used guerilla tactics, rocket strikes, assassinations, suicide bombers, IEDs, conventional warfare, unconventional warfare, the targeting of NGOs and civilians, and suicide bombings in order to demoralise coalition and government forces (Pape and Feldman, 2010). The Taliban were known to utilise civilians to entice coalition forces into an area before detonating an explosive device or launching an attack against these forces. Very frequently, more civilians were killed in these bombings than coalition troops. In addition, the Taliban escalated its direct assaults against American government targets, as seen by the group's targeting of American military installations and an attempted assassination attempt on Secretary of Defence James Mattis (Ward, 2017). The Taliban has access to several forms of weaponry, ranging from heavy machine guns to light infantry weapons such as AK-47s and other weapon platforms. Due to the pullout of American forces from Afghanistan, the Taliban gained access to stockpiles of American weapons and equipment, which were left behind by the latter during their pullout. This includes the M16 assault rifle in use by the American military, as well as handguns and even night vision goggles. The Taliban also captured an estimated 2000 armoured vehicles from these abandoned stockpiles and from equipment which was given to the Afghan army, including humvees which cost over $300,000 dollars each (Shelton, 2021). Additionally there are reports that the Taliban have successfully managed to repair over 70 aircrafts, as well as UH60 Blackhawk helicopters which were left behind by the United States following their withdrawal from the country (Kumar, 2023), although the credibility of these reports is somewhat ambiguous, notably as the Taliban may seek to artificially inflate their capabilities in order to enhance their image of strength. However, if these reports are accurate, it would pose a severe issue for the US and its allies as the equipment left behind was “likely to deteriorate without US contractor maintenance” (Department of Defense Office Of Inspector General, 2022) and this would effectively mean that the Taliban would have the capabilities to restore technologically complex equipment. The video above dates from the period of the US pullout of Afghanistan. It circulated in numerous Taliban-linked Telegram channels, and it shows pro-Talib celebrations following the pullout. Approach to Resistance Historically, their approach to resistance has been marked by a combination of military tactics, political manoeuvring, and ideological influence. The Taliban first appeared in Afghanistan in the 1990s as a militant group seeking to establish its interpretation of Islamic law. They implemented a harsh form of governance that severely restricted human rights, particularly for women, and harboured international terrorists, including Osama bin Laden, during their previous rule from 1996 to 2001. When it comes to political conflict, the Taliban has used violence as a primary means of achieving their goals. Guerrilla warfare, ambushes, suicide bombings, and other acts of violence have been carried out against Afghan government forces, international military forces, and civilians. However, it is worth noting that the Taliban have also used other methods to achieve their objectives. They have used propaganda and psychological warfare to spread their ideology, such as through media, religious schools (madrasas), and word-of-mouth recruitment. They have attempted to exploit grievances and societal divisions in order to portray themselves as a force fighting foreign occupation and corruption. The Taliban's use of violence as a core aspect of their approach to resistance is significant and has had a profound impact on the general conflict in Afghanistan. They employ various violent tactics to undermine the authority of the Afghan government, intimidate local populations, and control territory. One of these tactics is their extensive use of guerrilla warfare, The Taliban has been known to engage in guerrilla warfare tactics, which involve hit-and-run attacks, ambushes, and small-scale skirmishes. They utilise their knowledge of the local terrain and employ surprise tactics to target Afghan security forces and international military forces. This approach allows them to maintain a level of flexibility, evade large-scale confrontations, and inflict casualties on their opponents. Another tactic they have frequently employed are suicide bombings, usually targetting government buildings, military installations, crowded marketplaces, religious sites, and even schools. Suicide bombings have caused significant civilian casualties and instilled fear among the population, aiming to weaken public support for the Afghan government and international forces. The Taliban has conducted numerous suicide bombings throughout Afghanistan; for instance in January 2018, a Taliban suicide bomber targeted an Afghan army unit in Kabul, killing more than 100 people and injuring many others (BBC Asia, 2018). The attack occurred during the morning rush hour, causing civilian casualties. IEDs are also widely used by the Taliban as one of their primary weapons against Afghan and international forces. They target military convoys, patrols, and infrastructure with roadside bombs and other explosive devices. These IEDs pose a significant threat to both military and civilian personnel, frequently resulting in casualties and disruption. In fact, IED usage in Afghanistan was the leading conflict-related cause of civilian death in Afghanistan every year since 2001, except for 2014 and 2016, with most of these attacks being attributed to the Taliban (Scalabrino, 2020). The Taliban has also targeted and assassinated government officials, tribal elders, community leaders, and individuals perceived to be supporting the government or international forces. These targeted killings are intended to eliminate influential figures who oppose or pose a threat to their goals, instilling fear and discouraging cooperation with the government. Fawzia Koofi, a prominent Afghan politician and women's rights activist, narrowly escaped a Taliban assassination attempt in 2021. Although Koofi survived the attack, the incident highlighted the Taliban's efforts to assassinate influential figures who oppose their views (BBC Asia, 2020). International Relations & Potential Alliances The Taliban had several important international relations and also several potential alliances, although these are subject to change and they have evolved over time. One of the Taliban's major international contacts over the years has been the Islamic Republic of Pakistan; the Pakistani Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI) agency has provided the Taliban with money, training, and weapons since its founding. The ISI also has close ties to the Haqqani network in Pakistan, a militant group that collaborates closely with the Taliban (Bhalla,2021). Sirajuddin Haqqani, the Haqqani network's leader, has also been a Taliban deputy leader since 2015 (FBI). It must also be noted that the Taliban own property in Pakistan and receive large donations from private citizens (Sufizada, 2020). Indeed, Pakistan was one of the few countries to recognise the Taliban's government during their rule in the 1990s. The Taliban also maintain a political office in Doha, Qatar, which has served as a venue for peace negotiations and talks with various stakeholders. Qatar has been an important facilitator of dialogue between the Taliban and the international community. It has hosted numerous rounds of talks, including the US-Taliban talks that resulted in the Doha Agreement in 2020 (BBC Asia, “US and Taliban Sign Deal to End 18-Year Afghan War”, 2021). To different extents, the Taliban has collaborated with other regional actors. Iran, for example, has had a complicated relationship with the Taliban, supporting some factions while opposing others in Afghanistan. However, on the 27th of May 2023, Iranian and Taliban forces engaged in a shootout and clashes over water rights and the access to the water of the Helmand river (AFP, 2023). The video above is another one which circulated around Instagram stories of Taliban fighters and leaked into numerous Taliban-linked Telegram channels, as well as general OSINT channels such as @ourwarstoday. It shows footage of the Taliban incursion into the Iranian border region. Russia has expressed concern about the rise of extremist groups in Afghanistan and has worked with the Taliban on regional security issues, such as halting the flow of drugs and human trafficking which occurs on the Russian border (BBC Europe, 2021). Due to concerns about cross-border terrorism and the potential for regional instability, China has expressed an interest in maintaining stability in Afghanistan. This is due to the presence of unrest in China's Xinjiang province, of which Chinese security scholars have accused the Taliban of providing training and support to the Muslim population there (Dou and Tan, 2021). However, since the takeover of the government by the Taliban, the Chinese government has worked closely with the Islamist group and has attempted to open up business ventures within the country, including mining operations valued in the trillions of dollars (Marlow and Curran, 2021). The Chinese government and the Taliban also agreed to an oil extraction deal which will last for 25 years, as well as the potential opening of a copper mine in the country (Hoskins, 2023). The relationship between the Taliban and other extremist groups, such as al-Qaeda and IS-K (Islamic State Khorasan Province), is complex and characterises their international relations and alliance set heavily. The Taliban and al-Qaeda have had historical ties which date back to the formation of the Taliban in the 1990s. Al-Qaeda, led by Osama bin Laden, used Afghanistan as a ‘safe haven’, per se, under the Taliban's rule from 1996 to 2001. Bin Laden and his followers provided the Taliban with financial and military support, while the Taliban offered them sanctuary and protection and al-Qaeda is/was bound to the Taliban by a pledge of allegiance – or "bay'ah" – which was first pledged in the 1990s by Osama Bin Laden to Mullah Mohammed Omar (El-Bay, 2021). As part of the peace negotiations between the Taliban and the United States, the Taliban had agreed to sever ties with al-Qaeda and prevent any future collaboration with the group whilst also banning al-Qaeda from operating within their territory, under promises of engaging with counter-terrorism policies set forward by the United States (Maizland, 2020). However, being seen as disloyal to their al-Qaeda partners would undermine the Taliban’s known image of uncompromising political Islam. The relationship between the Taliban and IS-K (Islamic State – Khorasan Province) is characterised by armed clashes and ideological differences. IS-K emerged in Afghanistan in 2014 as an affiliate group of the Islamic State, seeking to establish its own presence and was created by disaffected members of the Taliban who didn't believe that their previous group was extreme enough (Schmitt, 2021). The Taliban views IS-K as a rival and has engaged in armed confrontations with the group. The two organisations have clashed over territorial control and ideological differences, with the Taliban primarily following a nationalistic and locally focused agenda, while IS-K aims for a broader transnational jihadist agenda. IS-K is also responsible for the killing of several pro-Taliban clerics, whilst the Taliban have also been accused of killing religious leaders who have alleged links to IS-K (Siddique, 2022). This post in the @ourwarstoday Telegram channel communicates an AtlasNews report on clashes between the Taliban and the ISKP (IS-K). Additional Resources

Insurgency Overview Blood & Honour (the British spelling is typically used, even in America) is an international racist skinhead umbrella group (1) started in 1987 by founder Ian Stuart Donaldson, who later dropped his surname to become Ian Stuart (2). The group came out of the skinhead music scene in England, and Stuart himself was the lead singer of the seminal hate rock band, Skrewdriver. Blood & Honour’s formation was driven by a disillusionment with the British far-right group National Front, where previously racist music groups had found their home. As the National Front became what many saw as more racially tolerant, Stuart and others broke away from its ranks. The National Front had also been known to use profits made from skinhead music for their own political gain. In the years following their founding, Blood & Honour have developed into an international neo-Nazi network distributing music and ideological texts. While the group has no official membership, it acts as a very effective international network through which ideology and information can travel. Some sources say Blood & Honour seeks the creation of a ‘Fourth Reich’. (3) History & Foundations Blood & Honour were founded in 1987, during a meeting organized by Stuart, which was attended by multiple racist punk bands active at the time. This included Brutal Attack, No Remorse, Squadron and Sudden Impact, as well as “representatives of political parties who would normally distance themselves from each other” as described on the Blood & Honour Worldwide website. The name ‘Blood & Honour’ comes from the slogan of the Hitler Youth movement. The group went on to help develop a racist movement internationally, well beyond Britain. Stuart later died in a car crash; until his death, a group called Combat 18 (sometimes called simply C-18) had served as a type of armed security for Blood & Honour, but with Stuart gone they took control of the group in England. Combat 18 kept control of Blood & Honour but by 1996, many skinhead musicians objected to this group profiteering from their art, and this caused a split within the wider group. One half favored the original ideology of promoting white power thorugh music, but the other faction wanted to use more extreme tactics to achieve their political aims, such as terrorism and assassinations. (2) This split in the UK was further echoed in other areas: two factions emerged in the US, named Blood & Honour America Division and Blood & Honour USA. Both believed they were fulfilling Stuart’s original dream of a skinhead movement. (2) Blood & Honour has spread internationally, and now has a presence in a number of countries, primarily within Europe. (1) The group’s ideology can be seen in action in cities such as Poland’s Bialystok, close to the country’s border with Belarus, where hooligans linked to Blood & Honour have enacted violence against their left-wing opposition and the city’s LGBTQ+ community. Blood & Honour were banned in Russia in 2012 for allegedly planning a ‘state coup’. (4) Blood & Honour is a network rather than a formal organization, meaning that being linked to the group does not connote membership of a specific body. (1) Ideology & Objectives Blood & Honour ideology centers on neo-Nazism and many members seek the creation of a ‘Fourth Reich’. Multiple Blood & Honour texts glorify acts of violence against minorities. Many of the CDs sold by the group incite racial hatred and violence, and exalt neo-Nazism. Notable record labels connected to Blood & Honour included Highlander East Coast and Rune and Sword Productions, both of which sold ‘white power’ rock music; these sales were the main source of income for the Blood & Honour network. The group is committed to the use of extreme violence to further its white supremacist beliefs, and has been known to openly call for violence to further the neo-Nazi cause. There is lots of crossover in those present in Blood & Honour and the membership of various other white nationalist or far-right organizations throughout Britain and internationally. The broader aim of these people is to put Nazi ideology into practice and to ‘ethnically cleanse’ majority white nations. According to the Blood & Honour Worldwide website, the group is also known as the Brotherhood 28. (5) The name Brotherhood 28 likely references the fact that ‘B’ and ‘H’ are the second and eighth letters of the alphabet respectively; it is common for far-right and neo-Nazi groups to use numerical codes, such as 88 for ‘heil Hitler’(6).The founding statement on the group’s website describes them as “an independent National Socialist movement supporting all active NS/ Nationalist parties and groups in the White World.” It commits the network to the ideology of National Socialism and uniting white youth, as well as promoting ‘white power and white pride’. They also aim to ‘win back our nations, for once and for all’. (7) The founder of the movement has also been quoted as saying: “Eventually there will be a race war and we have to be strong enough in numbers to win it. I'll die to keep this country pure and if it means bloodshed at the end of the day, then let it be.” (2). The focus on white supremacy has remained constant throughout the development of Blood & Honour, and has persisted in its spread across many countries from the UK. Approach to Resistance The operational methods of Blood & Honour can be seen to draw heavily on its origins as a promotion network for musicians: there is an emphasis on word of mouth, and a lack of official membership. In the late ‘80s, Blood & Honour produced a quarterly zine and promoted a range of bands all committed to Nazi ideology or white supremacist beliefs. The Blood & Honour magazine is still running, with issues available on a monthly subscription and featuring information about the “White Rock n Roll Resistance Movement… Cede Nullis!” (8). They also organized concerts, providing a space for those with similar tastes in politics, as well as music, to meet and gather. This model of promotion and socializing continued into other countries, and developed into an international network through which many neo-Nazis are able to communicate about their ideology. As there is no official membership for Blood & Honour, they tend to function more as an informal communications structure, rather than an organized political force. This is partly why association with Bloody & Honour often coincides with membership of one or more other neo-Nazi or fascist organizations, which may be more focused on political actions. Blood & Honour have also organized other events, such as a rally held in 2016 in Cambridgeshire, England, to commemorate the death of Ian Stuart Donaldson, which was attended by 350 people.Ahead of the event, a temporary event notice was obtained for a ‘private party with music’ and police said that they had been informed the event was in aid of the veterans charity, Help for Heroes (9). In December 2022, a family from Essex in England stood trial for accusations of conspiring to inspire hate through the distribution of sound recordings; Robert Talland, 56, is an alleged neo-Nazi music producer. His daughter, Rosie Talland, 30, and his son Stephen Talland, 33, also stood trial with him. Stephen and Rosie are accused of being members of a band named Embers of an Empire associated with Blood & Honour, while Robert is also accused of possessing the songs “Flame of the gods” by Mistreat and “Decade of defiance” by Squadron which are allegedly threatening, abusive or insulting and intended to stir up racial hatred (10). This case draws attention to not only the fact that Blood & Honour are still a functioning network, but also to the importance of music and other media in the dissemination of their ideology. Relations & Alliances It is difficult to identify all the specific relationships and alliances held by Blood & Honour, firstly because they lack an official membership system, and secondly because there is so much crossover between associates of Blood & Honour and other white supremacist groups. However, it is very clear that Blood & Honour is entwined with the more explicitly violent Combat 18 group, as well as being linked to individual right-wing terrorists such as Neil Lewington and Martyn Gilleard(3). The group’s origins within the membership of the Britain fascist group National Front mean it also has crossover with members from this organization. In America, Blood & Honour have been seen to join forces with the National Alliance, (2) which is an explicitly genocidal white supremacist organization calling for the eradication of Jews and other races, describing them as a “temporary unpleasantness”(11). Additional alliances of the American Blood & Honour division have included assisting the Imperial Klans of America (IKA) to coordinate their 2006 Nordic Fest. This was a white power festival held on land owned by the IKA in Dawson Springs, Kentucky, in the United States. There has been decreased attendance at these events since around 2007, though it is unclear if this is due to a brawl caused by an internal disagreement, or an outstanding lawsuit filed against the IKA by the Southern Poverty Law Center, an American legal advocacy organization known for its lawsuits against white supremacist groups (2). Additional Resources

Insurgency Overview The Freedom of Russia Legion (FRL Russian: Легион «Свобода России») is a pro-Ukrainian paramilitary consisting of Russian immigrants and ex-Russian soldiers fighting against the Putin regime. The FRL is an official unit of the International Legion of Territorial Defense of Ukraine and fights alongside the Ukrainian Military, as well as other paramilitary groups such as the Russian Volunteer Corps. Due to most FRL members having family still residing in Russia, the legion attempts to shroud itself in secrecy by hiding members' identities during interviews, refusing to disclose the number of soldiers fighting for them, and keeping quiet about their unit's activities. Despite their attempts to remain underground, the group has attracted media attention after participating in cross-border raids into Belgorod. Although the FRL does not disclose its current manpower, the legion was initially formed from a company of around 100 soldiers of the Russian Army who defected to Ukraine in February of 2022 (1). History & Foundations As aforementioned, the FRL was originally founded when a company of around 100 Russian Soldiers defected to Ukraine with the help of the Ukrainian Security Services on February 27th, 2022. The FRL would form a Telegram channel and hold a press conference announcing their formation in the months following their defection. In March of 2022, members of the newly formed FRL began training with Western equipment, such as the NLAW (Next-generation Light Anti-tank Weapon) and Stinger MANPADS (Man-portable Air Defence System) under the guidance of Ukrainian Armed Forces instructors (2). After holding their press conference in April, FRL members began operations in the Donbas region under the command of the Ukrainian Armed Forces (3). The legion first saw action in the Bakhmut and Lysychansk regions, where they captured Russian armored assets and personnel. During this time, the FRL received an influx of applications to join their ranks. These applications came from various backgrounds, such as current Russian soldiers wishing to defect, captured Russian service members, and anti-war advocates living in Russia. Some of these applicants have been fighting against the Putin Regime since 2019, when they participated in the Moscow Protests. As the war developed and more ethnic Russian units began fighting for Ukraine, the FRL helped develop the Irpin Declaration, a political union with the goal of organizing the FRL, Russian Volunteer Corps, and National Republican Army towards a singular objective. However, the Russian Volunteer Corps denies signing the declaration, and the National Republican Army has never confirmed its involvement (4). Despite denying their participation in the Irpin Declaration, the Russian Volunteer Corps and the FRL still operate in conjunction with one another, most notably working side-by-side during operations in Belgorod. Objectives & Ideology The FRL view themselves as ‘true’ Russian patriots fighting to overthrow a repressive regime that has led their country into poverty and chaos. While the FRL uses symbols associated with the anti-war movement, such as the white-blue-white flag, the FRL is composed of individuals with various ideological backgrounds. While some have been a part of anti-Putin organizations for years, others were previously involved with Russian nationalist groups (such as the Russian Imperial Movement) and some Russian immigrants who have decided to defend their adopted nation. Despite their array of backgrounds, all have joined together to dismantle the current regime and establish what they plan to be a respected multicultural country ruled by democracy. Military Ability The FRL has grown significantly since initially forming with 100 members. Just months after announcing its creation, the legion claims it received as many as 300 applications in a single day. An accurate assessment of the legion's current manpower has yet to be released. However, Ukrainian officials have made statements saying the group has a few hundred members, and the FRL has claimed they have two fully manned battalions (5). If this statement from the FRL is accurate, it can be estimated that the legion has anywhere between 500 to 2000 members actively deployed for combat operations. These estimates do not include members participating in partisan actions within Russia itself. Approach to Resistance As a part of the Ukrainian International Legion, the FRL is involved in defensive and offensive operations against Russian military forces, utilizing a variety of equipment ranging from SALW (Small arms, Light weapons), commercial drones, mounted recoilless rifles, anti-drone guns, and civilian market vehicles (6). A message within the FRL's Telegram group chat can be seen here, reading the following in its description: "Dear compatriots, we are publishing another photo report about the purchase of the equipment we need, made with your donations, and volunteer assistance to the Legion 'Freedom of Russia'. We are very grateful to you for your feasible material contribution to the liberation of Russia from tyranny. We will justify your trust. The regime will be overthrown. 'L' For Russia! For freedom!" FRL forces were first seen deployed to the Bakhmut region around February of 2023, where they primarily operated defensive firing positions along the frontline. The combat FRL troops were involved in during this time was mainly stagnant and took the form of long-range engagements where the enemy could be over a mile away. A few months later, FRL forces would see a drastically different style of combat (7). In May 2023, the FRL, the Russian Volunteer Corps (RDK), and the Polish Volunteer Corps would conduct an incursion across Russia's border into Belgorod. This incursion was meant to establish a demilitarized zone to prevent Russian artillery from striking targets within Ukraine (8). The FRL and RDK claimed to have pushed over 40 kilometers into Russia, taking military outposts and towns along the way (9). The incursion force would ultimately withdraw back behind the Ukrainian border after taking an unverified number of casualties and losing at least one US-supplied MRAP (Mine-resistant Ambush Protected) fighting vehicle (10). The following month – on June 1st – the FRL and RDK claimed they had begun another incursion into Belogord, accompanied by a Belarusian volunteer unit (11). During the second incursion, pro-Ukrainian forces took control of the Novaya Tavolzhanka administrative center in the Shebekinsky District (12). Russian forces claimed to have re-entered the District a little over a week later. However, claims of anti-government forces operating in the area have persisted (13). The video above was found in the group's Telegram channel and it shows a member of the Russian Resistance giving instructions on how to act within the broader resistance movement. This video serves as an appeal to the Russian population. Alliances & Relations As a part of the Ukrainian International Legion, the FRL benefits from the Ukrainian Military's training courses, command structure, and equipment. Nevertheless, as seen during the Belgorod raids, the FRL has also developed relations with volunteer units that are not an official part of the Ukrainian Military. Some of these units included the aforementioned RDK and Polish Volunteer Corps. The FRL also receives support from partisans within Russia. These partisans primarily conduct propaganda campaigns for the FRL, such as distributing flyers, graffiti, and floating the FRL flag over Moscow using balloons (14), as seen in the Telegram message here. The FRL has also been seen posting videos and images of partisans within Russia conducting sabotage operations against Russian Military installations such as recruiting centers. However, whether the FRL was directly involved in these actions is unknown (15). The respective Telegram message reads the following: "We publish sent photos from the Motherland (from Vologda and Khimki) with the support of the Legion 'Freedom of Russia'. Thank you!!! Many thanks to all of you for your support in the Motherland! We won't let you down! Our cause is right! Putin and his regime will be destroyed! Victory will be ours! 'L' For Russia! For freedom!" Additional Resources

Insurgency Overview The Earth Liberation Front (ELF) is a radical environmentalist movement founded in England in 1992. The ELF is a global organisation that doesn't have a formal leadership structure or membership but is instead controlled by decentralised, autonomous, and intensely secretive cells that choose to act in the group's name. The only semi-centralised structure within the ELF is their press office based in the USA in which different cells from around the globe send their communications to be passed on to the public. The ELF is so decentralised that it may not even be correct to call it a group or an organisation but maybe something more similar to an ideology. History & Foundations The ELF was founded in 1992 in Brighton, England and started as an off-shoot of the much bigger environmental activist group Earth First!. The ELF came out of the Earth First! movement who were growing in mainstream appeal and wanted to distance themselves from more radical acts such as arson attacks, graffiti and later bombings in order to maintain their popularity with members of the general public. In response to this, a few members split away to form the first ELF cell. There is very little documented on their first actions which were just small scale arson attacks against logging companies, SUV dealerships, certain farmers and anyone else who they saw as harmful to the environment. Their first major attack occurred against a peat bog company called Fisons in 1992 when ELF activists in England managed to gain entry into the company's facility in the middle of the night and caused over £70,000 worth of damage.(1) The ELF continued their arson attacks in The UK and the name quickly spread. By 1994 there were eco-saboteur groups using the ELF label in a number of countries including Germany, Russia, Italy and France. In 1996 Amsterdam's Schiphol airport was sabotaged when an ELF activist drove a car into a newly built flight control tower. In that same year a spate of attacks occurred against McDonald's restaurants in Germany and Poland. As the ideology/movement continued to spread it eventually came to the USA. In 1998 in one of the most serious arson attacks in the history of the US, $12 Million worth of damage was caused to the Vail Ski Resort as multiple buildings and lifts in the resort were set on fire by ELF activists. The United States cells continued their actions and are believed to be the most radical of the cells under the ELF label. Luxury houses, large scale construction projects, oil companies and logger camps all continued to have their businesses vandalised or projects destroyed. The FBI took these attacks seriously and branded the ELF as a domestic terrorist organisation. Arrests occurred and severe sentences were handed down to ELF activists who had been apprehended. The ELF has been referred to as the largest domestic terrorist threat within The USA by the FBI. In recent years ELF members have torched SUV dealerships and even caused damage to SUVs in people's driveways. According to the US Department of Homeland Security, The ELF was responsible for 55% of all recorded arson and bombings attacks in The USA between 1995-2010.(2) Objectives & Ideology The overall premise of the ELF is that they are completely opposed to industrial society and that if they continue to cause property damage then eventually it won't be worth it for people to work in any industries that are harmful to the environment. Many members of the ELF would have been influenced by Ted Kacynski (otherwise known as The Unabomber) and his manifesto ‘Industrial Society and its Future’. Ted Kacynski was a lone wolf radical environmentalist who is currently serving a life sentence in the USA for multiple bomb attacks. He is a figurehead of the radical environmentalist movement and has regularly expressed support and solidarity for ELF activists in his communiques written from prison.(7) The ELF came as an offshoot of Earth First! who many in The ELF found to be ineffective at making any real change. The very core of their ideas are that the corporations who they see as destroying the earth are doing so in order to make money and if, through ELF actions, they can make these companies profits unsustainable then the companies will cease to damage the planet.(5) Another factor that caused The ELF to split was a firm belief that they will never be able to affect the necessary change they desire through existing government structures and must use direct action to achieve their goals. Military & Political Abilities It is impossible to say or even estimate the precise numbers involved in The ELF. Some people might only take up The ELF name for a one off attack whereas certain cells carried out numerous attacks on a regular basis and had fixed amounts of members. This decentralised structure means their personnel strength is unknown. The FBI has claimed that The ELF is the most serious domestic terror threat in The USA which highlights to a degree that The ELF has been effective in gaining themselves notoriety but the reality is that there is no evidence to suggest that their acts have brought about any wide scale political changes or brought any states or organisations to the negotiating table.(2) The ELF communications state that they have no intention of engaging in the political system. Approach to Resistance The ELF's main method of attack is arson. They place a strong emphasis on taking direct action, such as stopping logging trucks from entering a forest in order to burn down homes or sabotage an oil company's offices. They will generally refer to their tactics as “Monkeywrenching” which is a term given for non violent acts of sabotage. A popular tactic of The ELF is “spiking” trees that are due to be cut down by loggers. This involves a metal rod being driven deep into a tree so as to damage chainsaws which are cutting into a tree. This tactic has been effective in slowing down deforestation in certain cases but has also been known to cause serious injuries to loggers due to them losing control of the chainsaw. A number of serious injuries have been reported as a result of tree spiking but none of these incidents are linked with The ELF. The ELF has remarkably low levels of civilians being injured due to their attacks. There is a big emphasis in ELF communications about not harming any living thing and for the hundreds of millions of dollars in property damage that has been caused by The ELF – not one person has been killed or seriously injured.(3) International Relations & Potential Alliances The ELF does not have any official alliances with other groups due to their decentralised structure but there is believed to be a lot of crossover and friendliness between them and the Animal Liberation Front (ALF) who have an almost identical structure and approach to resistance however the ALF mainly focus’ on rescuing animals held in captivity.(4) Additional Resources