Sect of Revolutionaries(Σέχτα Επαναστατών)
- Christos Bekas Moraris
- 30 minutes ago
- 14 min read
Introduction
The Greek group commonly referred to in English as “Sect of Revolutionaries” (Greek: Σέχτα Επαναστατών, often transliterated as Sekta Epanastaton) emerged in Greece in the wake of the December 2008 unrest that followed the killing of Alexis Grigoropoulos. (1) During their active years (2009-2010), they conducted four high-profile and symbolic assassinations using guns and small-scale IEDs, specifically targeting policemen and journalists. Across the most credible official and quasi-official sources, the group is consistently characterised as part of the post‑2008 wave of left-wing/anarchist urban militancy, notable for targeted lethal violence rather than large-scale and property-focused sabotage. (2) However, their first proclamation explicitly states that they’re non-ideological and apolitical, claiming that “we’re not doing politics, we’re doing guerrilla warfare”. (3) This article will attempt to place the Sect of Revolutionaries in the social context in which they were conceived, where they can be placed within the Greek anarchist network, outline the Giolias case, and conclude with an analysis of three competing hypotheses about their current status.
History
On the 3rd of February 2009, they attacked the police station of Korydallos, aiming to kill policemen. On the 17th of February, they opened fire on the cars of the ALTER TV station. On the 17th of June, they killed Deputy Chief Warden of the EKAM Antonis-Nektarios Savvas with 24 gunshot wounds, while he was guarding a key witness to the Revolutionary People’s Struggle’s trial (RPS, often transliterated Epanastatikós Laïkós Agónas, or ELA, and not to be confused with the adjacent anarchist organisation Revolutionary Struggle). In July of 2010, they claimed responsibility for the murder of journalist Socratis Giolias, which is, however, still disputed. (4) As of the writing of this article, no arrests have been made.
Timeline of Actions
Absence of Ideology: Nihilism in Greece
If organisations like 17 November (17N), Revolutionary Struggle (RS), or Conspiracy Cells of Fire (CCF) represent Greece’s Metapolitefsi-era armed underground at its most programmatically political – issuing proclamations that frame violence as a revolutionary necessity – then the Sect of Revolutionaries sits at the same clandestine end of the spectrum while rejecting that legitimating work. Often described as “nihilist” and most likely inspired by Russian anarchists like Sergey Nechayev (5), the Sect presents itself as anti-political: closer to an armed guerrilla underground (αντάρτικος χώρος) that shares tactics and idiom with parts of the broader movement milieu (κινηματικός χώρος), yet diverges sharply in its stated rationale, emphasising escalation, insurrection, and destruction instead without a coherent ideological spine. Ideologically articulated armed struggle has been a persistent feature of Greek terrorism throughout the Metapolitefsi era (1975 onwards), while an explicitly “nihilist”/anti-political current remained marginal and only appeared in small cells (e.g., the self-styled “Nihilist Faction/Φράξια Μηδενιστών”, who claimed bombings including the 28 May 1996 IBM office bombing in Athens). (6) The visibility of such cells was likely obfuscated by 17N’s prominence and the Greek state’s then-lack of counterterrorism frameworks, but it increased sharply after the December 2008 unrest.
Beyond the lack of established literature, this study is complicated by the semantic layers that have been grafted onto the term “nihilism” over time, due to the events of late 2008. On December 6th, 2008, special guard police officer Epaminondas Korkoneas murdered Alexandros Grigoropoulos in Exarchia, the most well-established anarchist neighbourhood in Athens. He was 15 years old and born in an affluent family. The rioting that ensued was called the worst Greece has seen since the restoration of democracy in 1974 (7). The event became a catalyst for protesters to express frustration with underlying issues in the Greek society at the start of the Great Recession, such as widespread state inefficiency and corruption, as well as increased unemployment. (8) Best symbolised by a graffiti on a wall in Athens saying ‘we are the image from the future’ (9), the December 6 protests are now an annual event, labelled an “endemic” or an “anniversary”, depending on one’s political standing, being pro or against the Greek state’s status quo.
After 2008, the term “nihilist” acquired a second meaning in the Greek press: a moral vocabulary of condemnation (nihilists as people “without identity,” acting out “blind hatred”), rather than a precise philosophical classifier. The 2009 M. Giannakou’s reaction, quoted in Greek reporting about attacks against her house claimed by the “CCF-Nihilist Faction” is an example: “nihilists with blind and unjustified hatred.” (10) A third meaning appears in academic examinations of later organisations: “nihilistic” becomes shorthand for anti‑civilisational or anti‑human rationalisations in nodes of eco‑extremist milieus. The “Iconoclastic Sect” is explicitly placed within a violent ecological scene and described as having “nihilistic ideology” aimed at destroying human civilisation & technology, with its bombing of Agios Dionysios church on December 27th, 2018, claimed as an opening move. (11) Taken together, these overlapping uses mean that “nihilism” in the Greek insurgencies context is less of a stable ideological category, and yet more than a contested label, whose meaning must be specified on a case-by-case basis and grounded in the particular actors, texts, and moments to which it is applied.
Political & Military Capabilities
The Sect of Revolutionaries declared “war against the state,” rejecting all political and material institutions. Its stated aim was total “destruction of the state” and establishment of a new society. (12) Militarily, the group was lightly organised but well-armed. It publicly displayed an arsenal (AK-47 rifles, semiautomatic pistols, grenades) and warned that “our guns are full and… ready to speak”. (13) Ballistic analysis tied at least two 9mm pistols used in all four operations (a police-station attack, the Alter TV shooting, the killing of an anti-terror police officer and the Giolias murder) to the same cell. (14) This implies access to trafficked military-grade weapons, likely via Balkan criminal networks. (15) After the murder of journalist Giolias, the Sect published a photo of their stash of weapons, which involved 6 Glocks of Austrian origin (heavy, usually used by police forces), 3 Kalashnikovs, Tokarev (pistols used by the underworld), two Zastavas of 9 and 7,65 mm, Browning Parabellum, Magnum Smith, and a semi-automatic Scorpion. (16) However, the Sect’s membership and overall resources remain unconfirmed; no public leader or cell size has been officially identified. The U.S. State Department formally designated the Sect of Revolutionaries a terrorist organisation in 2011, underscoring its threat. (17) The exact number and identities of Sect members are unknown, as is any support network beyond anarchist sympathisers.
Approach to Resistance
The Sect followed a classic urban guerrilla cycle: target selection, armed assault, escape, then public communique. It targeted symbolic figures (police, journalists) in a hit-and-run fashion. Each attack was followed by a claim letter sent to the media via symbolic means, often with photos of weapons and revolutionary rhetoric.
In practice, cells appeared to scout and ambush targets, often from cover. For example, in two key assassinations (Nektarios Savvas, the policeman, and Sokratis Giolias, the journalist), gunmen fired approximately 15 – 20 rounds at point-blank range. (18) In the Giolias case, the Sect members donned a (stolen) police uniform and used subterfuge (rang Giolias’ bell and told him his car was being stolen) to lure him outside. (19) Explosive devices were also used: their first known strike was a gun-and-grenade assault on Korydallos police station, but the grenade failed to detonate. After attacks, the Sect routinely issued communiqués (left on CDs or letters for newspapers like Ta Nea to find, the first one notably left on Alexandros Grigoropoulos’ grave, inside a bouquet of flowers) claiming responsibility and threatening further violence. These proclamations boasted of readiness to escalate to bombings and arson.
The group then went dark. All known operations occurred from February 2009 to July 2010, and afterwards it disappeared. Investigators found no leaks or captures, suggesting strict cell secrecy and exfiltration after each strike. Media reports note the killers usually fled by motorcycle or on foot, leaving insufficient forensic traces.
Relations & Alliances
The Sect had no known official alliances beyond Greece’s anarchist milieu, but evidence links it closely to other militant anarchists – notably the Conspiracy of Cells of Fire (CCF). Investigations later revealed coordination between these groups. Apart from this, no ties to foreign terrorist cells are documented.
Authorities suspect an overlap with other anarchist cells. In 2015, Greek police decrypted encrypted messages between a CCF (“Jason” or in Greek, “Ιάσονας”) and colleagues, in which they instructed that if a bomb attack killed its target, responsibility should be claimed under the name “Sect of Revolutionaries”. Counterterrorism analysts thus view the Sect as possibly a “special ops” unit or cover identity within the broader Greek anarchist network, or within the CCF, speculating that the Sect comprises one or two of CCF’s leading members, plus at least two more members. (20) For example, both Sect and CCF used identical pistol calibres and incitement styles. Speculation at the time said that they may even be linked to the murder of a Golden Dawn member in New Irakleio, a member of a Greek neo-Nazi organisation and at-the-time political party. However, Sect attacks never explicitly cited or cooperated with foreign cells; they targeted domestic “service” figures (police, politicians, “corrupt media”). In sum, the Sect is seen as part of Greece’s homegrown anarchist insurgency, likely intersecting with CCF and similar guerrilla cells, but operating as assassins autonomously in 2009 & 2010.
The Giolias Case
On 19 July 2010, two gunmen killed Giolias outside his home, then escaped. A report based on witness testimonies, internal police documents, depositions, multiple newspaper articles, and Troktiko’s blog posts (Giolias’ blog that evolved into a mainstream internet news outlet at the time in Greece), said that Giolias had been about to publish the results of an investigation into corruption and had received several threats in the two years prior to the murder. (21) Eight days later a communique (sent to Ta Nea) claimed the hit for the Sect. Ballistic tests showed the murder weapons had been used in previous Sect attacks (linking the incident to their known arsenal). The Sect’s statement threatened further attacks on “servants of the system”. However, the claim letter arrived unusually late and in a different format than other Sect communiques.
Meanwhile, Giolias’s family accused private figures instead of the Sect. Depositions (reported in Protothema) reveal Giolias had confided fears that his former colleague Makis Triantafyllopoulos “would kill me…and make it look like the ‘Sect’”. (22) His wife testified that Giolias repeatedly warned: “Triantafyllopoulos will kill me”. No independent evidence has supported this scenario; Triantafyllopoulos denies involvement. Investigators focused on sect involvement (ballistics, sect claim) but also noted that a senior cybercrime officer (Manolis Sfakianakis) had falsely told Giolias that police were coming to raid his home. The officer often shared police intelligence with Giolias, the report reads. (23) Sfakianakis was later charged (in 2019) only with breach of duty for misleading Giolias, but the case was dismissed in 2020.
In the speculation realm, the Sect doesn’t have the motives required to murder a journalist who was about to publish an anti-state probe on corruption. In theory, they should have been motivated to stand behind him. Moreover, the fourth Sect communique published after the Giolias murder has stylistic differences from the previous ones. All use the first plural to display collectivity, directly address the audience when needed, and hubristic, street-like, and dehumanising language when ideologically fitting, use ideological “jargon” from adjacent communities, and use typographic emphasis such as capital letters, quotation marks, hyphens and punctuations to make the message “hit” like spoken word. However, the previous ones read in simpler, sharper sentences, with implied irony and cynicism. The Giolias’ one is a lengthy narrative of the existential vicissitudes of everyday life. The language in Giolias’s work uses more subordination (longer sentences with dependencies), cataloguing (series with commas), and more ellipses for dramatisation and rhythm. And while the Sect communiques usually used vocabulary focused on the specifics of each action they took, the Giolias’ one uses more general and metaphorical language. In short, the fourth communique reads as if it were written by someone who imagines what the Sect thinks like, rather than how the Sect actually speaks. However, in the absence of official or professional reports, all the above are best treated at the case’s own, isolated hypothesis level and are best left there. Any new evidence can render the above null.
Current Status: Competing Hypotheses
The Sect has been effectively dormant since 2011. No member has been identified as apprehended, and their weapons were never recovered. If the overlap hypothesis holds, several Sect members should already be serving time for CCF-related crimes. The murder of journalist Sokratis Giolias remains officially unsolved: the Sect claimed responsibility and ballistic evidence implicates them, but alternative theories persist. Below is a short analysis of competing hypotheses, according to what this article has discussed so far. It is by no means conclusive, as any new evidence surfacing could render it all null.
Hypothesis 1: Voluntary Disbandment (Backlash or Resource Constraints)
Statement: Facing the intense fallout from the Giolias assassination (July 2010), the Sect leadership chose to halt operations, either due to operational risk, public pressure, or lack of capability.
Supporting Evidence: The assassination of Sokratis Giolias was a watershed event (the first journalist killed in decades), and after that, the Sect never struck again. It is plausible that the group feared exposure or backlash in civil society, prompting a strategic withdrawal. Additionally, forensic experts noted that the Sect’s declared arsenal (as shown in the Giolias communique) still included unused weapons and no explosives, suggesting they lacked bomb-making expertise. (24) This could indicate an inability to escalate, possibly demotivating further action. Internal fatigue or realisation of limited impact might have led to a voluntary stand-down. Nihilism itself, lacking a concrete motivational spine, might have played a role, even if the Sect declared long-term plans in its first communique.
Counter-Evidence & Uncertainties: There is no direct evidence of a dissolution statement. The main evidence is inference from inactivity. The idea of a “deliberate pause” is speculative, but criminal-terror groups seldom publicly announce a ceasefire for fear of seeming defeated. It could be coincidental that after 2010, they simply had nothing else planned or resources to continue. The theory also doesn’t explain why other anarchist groups continued attacks while the Sect did not, implying that if a terrorist like the Sect wanted to find motivation, they would. The lack of expertise in making bombs likely hints at amateurism, but the group had succeeded in two high-profile murders, implying some capability. In short, while plausible psychologically, this hypothesis lacks solid documentation.
Likelihood: Low. The immediate stop in activity after a high-profile killing suggests the Sect may have judged that continuing would bring too much heat. However, the absence of corroborating evidence makes this a weaker explanation. The fact that sect materials still surfaced suggests no formal shutdown. Nonetheless, this hypothesis cannot be ruled out given the abruptness of the pause.
Hypothesis 2: Sect was an alias of the CCF Network, or a subset of it
Statement: The Sect of Revolutionaries was never a standalone cell, but an operational name used by certain nodes/members of the CCF.
Supporting Evidence: Greek counterterrorism sources long suspected an overlap between the Sect and CCF. In 2015, police decrypted communications from a top CCF leader “Jason”, instructing that if a bomb attack succeeded (killing a police commander), responsibility should be claimed, “as the Sect of Revolutionaries”. This strongly links the two groups, indicating the Sect name served as a cover for certain operations.
Counter-Evidence & Uncertainties: The modus operandi of CCF and the Sect are vastly different, with CCF focusing on arson and bombings, while the Sect evidently didn’t have bombmaking capabilities. Moreover, the Sect released its own public communiqués and had distinct claimed attacks (unlike typical secretive CCF statements), suggesting it had some independent identity. The main gap is that no definitive, unclassified proof exists of particular individuals overlapping; only forensic patterns and communications imply a link. Also, what is the strategic objective achieved by CCF, if there is any, to create and use the nihilist alias? Since the Sect appeared after the death of Alexis Grigoropoulos, they likely wanted to perpetuate and ramp up the terror against the Greek state or simply drive away attention from the CCF. However, this ambiguity means uncertainty remains. The final caveat in this hypothesis is that there is very limited reporting on the links found in 2015 by the Greek counterterrorism.
Likelihood: Medium-High. Given the unusual evidence and the known practice of Greek anarchists sharing tactics and identities, this hypothesis has strong support. It explains the sudden disappearance: once CCF resumed bombings in 2010 after multiple members’ arrests in 2009, there was no need for the “Sect” name.
Hypothesis 3: Leadership Elimination or Member Attrition
Statement: Key Sect members were killed, arrested on other charges, or otherwise left the movement, so the group effectively lost its nucleus.
Supporting Evidence: It’s conceivable that core individuals were quietly detained in CCF cases or died, but this implies overlap with Hypothesis 2, thus fluctuating this statement’s probability. The counterterror communications implicated at least one “Jason” linked to Sect identity. If he or others were incapacitated in later actions, that could explain the void.
Counter-Evidence & Uncertainties: Like Hypothesis 1, there is no public record of Sect members being killed or tried. The majority of Greek terrorist suspects around 2010 were identified via CCF and Revolutionary Struggle probes, not Sect-specific ones. If Sect members had been removed, authorities would likely have announced at least indirect links to known groups. But even in the 2015 CCF trials, the Sect itself rarely appeared. Also, if core members had fallen out, why did no one else take over under the Sect banner? The complete silence suggests not just leadership loss but a decision (or strategic irrelevance) to stop entirely. Thus, the evidence for attrition is minimal; it is an unproven scenario that, at best, overlaps with Hypothesis 2.
Likelihood: Low, Medium if linked to CCF. Without concrete arrests or reported deaths, this remains hypothetical. It could be a factor if, for example, one or two “leadership” figures were proven to be caught, but there is no source confirming that. Many suspects charged in anarchist cases were anonymous or known only by ideology, not necessarily core Sect leaders. Therefore, while loss of personnel is possible, it is not strongly evidenced and would likely coincide with the alias explanation above.
Works Cited
(1) - Ed Vulliamy and Helena Smith, “Children of the Revolution,” The Guardian, July 5, 2017, https://www.theguardian.com/world/2009/feb/22/civil-unrest-athens.
(2) - Europol. TE-SAT 2011: EU Terrorism Situation and Trend Report. 2011. https://doi.org/10.2813/14705
(3) - Σέχτα Επαναστατών. «Προκήρυξη για την επίθεση στο Α.Τ. Κορυδαλλού». PDF. Newsbeast, July 20, 2010. https://www.newsbeast.gr/files/1/2010/07/20/sexta_epanastatwn.pdf.
(4) - Hellenic Republic (Greece). Ministry of Citizen Protection. “On the Investigation of the Death of Greek Journalist Sokratis Giolias: Response from the Greek Authorities.” Strasbourg, February 5, 2024. PDF. Council of Europe. https://rm.coe.int/greece-reply-en-sokratis-golias-6february2023/1680ae6a7e
(5) - Chantzi, Georgia. The Evolution of Terrorism in Greece from 1975 to 2009. Research Paper no. 158. Athens: Research Institute for European and American Studies (RIEAS), March 2012. PDF. Accessed March 1, 2026. https://www.rieas.gr/images/rieas158a.pdf ; Newsroom. “Police profile ‘Sect’ as nihilists.” eKathimerini.com, July 26, 2010. https://www.ekathimerini.com/news/69461/police-profile-sect-as-nihilists/
(6) - Office of the Coordinator for Counterterrorism. “Patterns of Global Terrorism 1996 - Greece.” United States Department of State, April 1, 1997. Refworld. https://www.refworld.org/reference/annualreport/usdos/1997/en/37138
(7) - Christofer, Kat. “Athenian democracy in ruins.” The Guardian, December 8, 2008. Accessed March 2, 2026. https://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2008/dec/08/greece ; BBC News. “Officer given life for boy’s murder in Greek riot case.” October 11, 2010. Accessed March 2, 2026. https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-europe-11513309
(8) - Dalakoglou, Dimitris, and Antonis Vradis. “Introduction.” In Revolt and Crisis in Greece: Between a Present Yet to Pass and a Future Still to Come, edited by Dimitris Dalakoglou and Antonis Vradis, 13–28. Oakland, CA: AK Press, 2011.
(9) - Vasilaki, Rosa. “‘We Are an Image from the Future’: Reading Back the Athens 2008 Riots.” Acta Scientiarum. Education 39, no. 2 (April 17, 2017): 153–161. Accessed March 2, 2026. https://periodicos.uem.br/ojs/index.php/ActaSciEduc/article/view/34851
(10) - Κομνηνού, Έλλη. «Ανέλαβαν την ευθύνη οι “Πυρήνες της φωτιάς”». News 24/7, October 31, 2009. Accessed March 1, 2026. https://www.news247.gr/ellada/anelavan-tin-efthini-oi-pirines-tis-fotias/
(11) - Καρατράντος, Τριαντάφυλλος, and Παναγής Παναγιωτόπουλος. «Μετά τη βία των πολλών: Μορφολογικά και κοινωνικά στοιχεία για την πολιτική βία στην ύστερη Μεταπολίτευση και ειδικότερα στην περίοδο 2015-2019». In Το Πολιτικό Πορτραίτο της Ελλάδας II: Διακυβεύματα και Προκλήσεις, edited by Χριστίνα Βαρουξή, Μανίνα Κακεπάκη, Νίκος Σαρρής, Άγγελος Τραμουντάνης, and Χαράλαμπος Τσέκερης, 131–156. Athens: Εθνικό Κέντρο Κοινωνικών Ερευνών (ΕΚΚΕ), 2021. PDF. https://www.ekke.gr/publication_files/meta-ti-via-ton-pollon-morfologika-kai-kinonika-stichia-gia-tin-politiki-via-stin-isteri-metapoliteusi-kai-idikotera-stin-periodo-2015-2019-1
(12) - C&P, Σέχτα Επαναστατών - Η ΠΡΟΚΥΡΗΞΗ. Athens Indymedia. “Post 985253.” https://athens.indymedia.org/post/985253/ ; Σέχτα Επαναστατών. «Προκήρυξη για την επίθεση στο Α.Τ. Κορυδαλλού». PDF. Newsbeast, July 20, 2010. https://www.newsbeast.gr/files/1/2010/07/20/sexta_epanastatwn.pdf. ; … Προκήρυξη Σέχτας. Athens Indymedia. “Post 1195938.” https://athens.indymedia.org/post/1195938/ ; Aλληλεγγυη στους ενοπλους ανταρτες. Προκυρηξη ΣΕΧΤΑΣ ΕΠΑΝΑΣΤΑΤΩΝ για Νεκταριο Σαββα, Athens Indymedia. “Post 1195926.” https://athens.indymedia.org/post/1195926/
(13) - Smith, Helena. “Greece will be a war zone, Sect of Revolutionaries warns tourists.” The Guardian, July 31, 2010. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2010/aug/01/greece-war-zone-revolutionaries-tourists
(14) - Committee to Protect Journalists. “Sokratis Giolias.” CPJ Data: Journalists Killed. https://cpj.org/data/people/sokratis-giolias/
(15) - Kakissis, Joanna. “The New Guerrilla Group Threatening Greece.” TIME, August 8, 2010. https://time.com/archive/6950636/the-new-guerrilla-group-threatening-greece/
(16) - Newsbeast. «Λύθηκε το μυστήριο με το οπλοστάσιο της Σέχτας». August 4, 2010. Accessed March 2, 2026. https://www.newsbeast.gr/greece/arthro/26695/luthike-to-mustirio-me-to-oplostasio-tis-sehtas.
(17) - U.S. Department of State. “Department of State’s Designation of The Sect of Revolutionaries.” Press statement, February 24, 2011. https://2009-2017.state.gov/r/pa/prs/ps/2011/02/157060.htm
(18) - Kyriakidou, Dina. “Gunmen kill Greek anti-terrorist policeman.” Reuters, June 17, 2009. https://www.reuters.com/article/world/gunmen-kill-greek-anti-terrorist-policeman-idUSTRE55G0RS/
(19) - Committee to Protect Journalists. “Sokratis Giolias.” CPJ Data: Journalists Killed. https://cpj.org/data/people/sokratis-giolias/
(20a) - Ralli, Theodora. Violent Extremism in Greece: A Comparative Analysis of the Violence of the Two Extremes. European Master’s Degree in Human Rights and Democratisation (A/Y 2013–2014), Masaryk University, 2014. PDF. https://repository.gchumanrights.org/server/api/core/bitstreams/b4936602-32f8-4811-88a3-fa1122c2484d/content
(20b) - Παναγιωτίδης, Θοδωρής. «Η σχέση Πυρήνων – Σέχτας, ο ρόλος του Ιάσονα, οι αγγελιοφόροι και το οπλουργείο των φυλακών». News 24/7, March 1, 2015. Accessed March 2, 2026. https://www.news247.gr/ellada/i-sxesi-pirinon-sextas-o-rolos-tou-iasona-oi-angelioforoi-kai-to-oplourgeio-ton-filakon/
(21) - Committee to Protect Journalists. “Sokratis Giolias.” CPJ Data: Journalists Killed. https://cpj.org/data/people/sokratis-giolias/
(22) - Proto Thema. «Μας έλεγε ότι θα τον σκοτώσει ο Τριανταφυλλόπουλος και θα το κάνουν να φανεί ότι είναι η “ΣΕΧΤΑ”». Proto Thema, March 30, 2014. https://www.protothema.gr/greece/article/365952/suglonizei-i-katathesi-tis-suzugou-tou-giolia/
(23) - de Zeeuw, Jasmijn, Jules Swinkels, and Jos Bartman. Impunity in Europe: Uninvestigated Murder of Greek Journalist Sokratis Giolias. A Safer World for the Truth report. Amsterdam: Free Press Unlimited, 2023. PDF. https://elefantmedia.b-cdn.net/aswftt/SWFTT_rapport_engels_print.pdf
(24) - Newsbeast. «Λύθηκε το μυστήριο με το οπλοστάσιο της Σέχτας». August 4, 2010. Accessed March 2, 2026. https://www.newsbeast.gr/greece/arthro/26695/luthike-to-mustirio-me-to-oplostasio-tis-sehtas.
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