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The FMLN was formed as an umbrella guerrilla group on the 10th of October 1980, merging five leftist guerrilla organisations. The FMLN was one of the most active and most influential belligerents of the Salvadorian Civil War. In 1992, the FMLN transitioned into a left-wing political party after the signing of the Chapultepec Peace Accords. The FMLN remains one of the main political parties in El Salvador. The FMLN’s most significant military offensive took place in November 1989, where its guerrilla fighters entered the capital of the country (San Salvador) and fought in poor neighbourhoods, as well as important buildings. This military offensive is often considered to be the main turning point of the Salvadorian Civil War as it exemplified the weakness of the national forces in fighting the FMLN. In fact, this offensive led to official negotiations between the US-backed Salvadorian government and the FMLN, which eventually led to the 1992 agreement aforementioned. The FMLN fought with children, adults, and the elderly, both male and female. The insurgency specialised in mountainous and forestial combat. Moreover, the UN has estimated that the FMLN guerrillas were responsible for 5% of the civilian murders during the civil war. From an ideological perspective, the FMNL is a left-wing nationalist/populist political party. Its current slogan is “We do more for the people”. During the group’s guerrilla days, however, the insurgency was Marxist-Leninist. As aforementioned, the FMLN was formed by merging five leftist guerrilla groups. These groups were the Fuerzas Populares de Liberación Farabundo Martí (FPL), the People's Revolutionary Army (ERP), the Resistencia Nacional (RN), the Partido Comunista Salvadoreño (PCS), and the Partido Revolucionario de los Trabajadores Centroamericanos (PRTC). In March 2009, Mauricio Funes (the FMLN candidate) won the presidential elections in the country. The same year, the FMLN obtained the majority of mayoralties in the municipal and legislative elections of El Salvador. Nonetheless, the FMLN has lost some credibility recently as Funes is now prosecuted by the Salvadorian authorities for corruption, money laundering, and enrichment by the Supreme Court. NOTE: This article will be updated soon.

The Hoods Hoods Klan is a Ukrainian territorial defence unit which is currently combatting Russian troops. The HHK is composed of ultras from the Arsenal Kyiv Football Club. Their ultra movement is known to be politically involved, particularly alongside anti-fascist ideology. This armed resistance group is the only Ukrainian ultra movement with an official anti-racist, anti-fascist ideology. Given the nature of hooliganism, the HHK ultras’ anti-fascist struggle was primarily constrained to football-related fights and organised hooligan battles. However, the war in Ukraine has demonstrated what the HHK views as a Russian fascist military invasion. In response, the ultra group took up arms and headed to the frontline of the conflict in the East of Ukraine. The HHK’s current objectives are simple — eliminate and kill Russian invaders. Its main objective is to defend Ukrainian territory from further Russian advances. Following the Russian invasion of Ukraine in late February 2022, the HHK assembled a ‘Resistance Committee’ (also known as ‘The Black Headquarters’). This battalion is composed of anti-authoritarian, anarchist, and anti-fascist fighters from Belarus, Ukraine, and even Russia. The Resistance Committee (and hence the HHK) earns a significant part of its supplies and support from ‘Operation Solidarity’, a grassroots humanitarian organisation which — amongst other objectives — helps anti-authoritarian fighters during the war. The HHK and the Resistance Committee’s approach to resistance is primarily military. However, the organisation also releases public statements pressuring governments and institutions. The video above, for instance, shows anarchist members of the Resistance Committee denouncing the Russian occupation and Belarus’ cooperation. Moreover, the HHK has also protested to show their support for Belorussian democratic protestors. NOTE: This article will be updated soon.

The Kosovo Liberation Army was an ethnic Albanian separatist militia which fought for the separation of Kosovo and its independence from Serbia. Despite constitutionally belonging to Serbia, the vast majority of Kosovo is inhabited by ethnic Albanians. During its existence, the KLA was designated as a terrorist group by the Former Yugoslav Republic. Kosovo became an ethnically-Albanian majority under Tito’s ruling of Yugoslavia. Given the omnipresence of mines and natural resources in Kosovo, the Yugoslav leader had invited Albanian workers to Kosovo. These workers eventually settled for generations and — over time — installed an ethnically-Albanian majority in the region. During the 1990s, Yugoslavia began to dissolve as a whole and the KLA fought on behalf of Kosovo’s separation. Ideologically, the KLA not only fought for Kosovo’s sovereignty but also believed in a “Greater Albania” which would encompass all historical and ethnic Albanian territories (from Kosovo, Montenegro, and even northern Greece). The KLA’s armed movement finds its roots in the late 1980s, when Kosovars adopted armed resistance to Yugoslav police trying to take Albanian activists in custody. Later on in the early 1990s, the newly-formed (and now consolidated) KLA orchestrated attacks on police forces and secret-service officials. When the Bosnian War and the Croatian War of Independence ended in 1995, the KLA continued its political struggle and, in 1998, was even involved in direct asymmetric battle with the Serbian National Army. The KLA was supported by all NATO allies both military and economically. The insurgency received most of its funds from NATO members and Albania, although some allegations suggest it may also have received funds through Albanian narco-trafficking. After an ethnic cleansing campaign led by the Serbs in 1999 — NATO intervened directly in the region. NATO’s involvement in this conflict remains heavily controversial as its bombings in Belgrade led to numerous civilian casualties and often targeted unrelated buildings. NOTE: This article will be updated soon.

Collaboration with Renegade Journal The Marxist-Leninist Communist Party is an underground Hoxhaist communist party in Turkey which was founded in 1994. Among internationalists, the MLKP is mostly renowned for its involvement in the Rojava conflict ever since 2012. The MLKP is designated as an active terrorist organisation by the Turkish state — a highly subjective and politically-motivated accusation which has little, if any, credible foundations. The MLKP has been sending volunteers to Syria to fight alongside the People's Protection Units (YPG) of Roiava Kurdistan since 2012. There have been four confirmed casualties of MLKP fighters during battles against Daesh and the Turkish state. There have also been an abundance of MLKP fighters within the Kurdistan Workers' Party (PKK) and fighting in Ezidxan in defence of the Yezidi minority of Siniar. According to Garbis Altinoglu (a respected Armenian Marxist-Leninist), the MLKP has failed to draw in the large amount of support it could have potentially attained. This relative failure comes from its perceivably ineffective approach of denouncing specific structures of coercion in the Turkish state — such as the MLKP's frequent (broad and unspecific) reference of Türkiye as a “country of petty bourgeoisie". Altinoglu highlights that such an approach has made the group seem reactionary to the general Turkish population. "This way of putting things [Altinoglu elaborates] was totally irrelevant and anti-Marxist; it was a reflection of the MLKP leadership's innate tendency to underestimate the role, strength and priority of the working class.” NOTE: This article will be updated soon.

The National Movement for the Liberation of Azawad is a political and military organisation within Azawad — a region in northern Mali. The movement is predominantly composed of ethnic Tuareg fighters who are rumoured to have fought in the Libyan army during the 2011 Libyan Civil War. The movement was founded in October 2011 (while some experts argue it was founded in 2010) and its initial manifesto stated that it included fighters from the entirety of the Sahara as it fought on behalf of “one of the many oppressed populations of the Sahara”. The MNLA is allegedly directly linked to and supported by Al-Qaeda (according to Malian and French intelligence), although the movement itself denies these claims. The group fought extensively in early 2012 and was essentially in control of all of northern Mali along with another radical Islamist insurgency, Ansar Dine. The group proclaims itself as a secular movement. Moreover, the Tuareg fighters within the MNLA have been considered former allies of Muammar Gaddafi. In fact, the close links between the MNLA and Muammar Gaddafi find their roots in Libya’s direct support for the group. Under both its Jamahiriya state and modern state forms, Libya has continuously offered its direct support to the movement. Al-Qaeda in the Islamic Maghreb and Ansar Dine remain alleged allies despite evident clashes between all three parties since 2012. The main opponents of the MNLA remain Mali and Algeria, although French troops have been leading the suppression of the group. Their recent withdrawal from Mali, nonetheless, has severely empowered the movement and simultaneously weakened the integrity of the Malian fight against insurgents. The Malian military has since turned to Russia’s Wagner Group for support. NOTE: This article will be updated soon.

The Free Papua Movement (OPM) is the general independence movement for the territory of West Papua (also referred to as West New Guinea). Currently, the territory belongs constitutionally to Indonesia. The separatist movement contains an armed unit (without a specific leading commander), a protest and demonstration unit, as well as a small group of designated leaders abroad which aim to raise awareness on the movement. Since the creation of the movement in 1963, the OPM has attempted diplomatic dialogue with both Indonesia and the international community, has conducted countless nationalistic ceremonies (which have provoked the Indonesian government), and have even conducted paramilitary operations during the Papua Conflict. The West Papua territory was assigned to Indonesian administration by the New York Agreement in 1963. However, West Papua already had its own anthem, rituals, and coat of arms since 1961. Indonesia is the only country in the world who recognises the OPM as a terrorist organisation. In August 2019, the OPM conducted mass protests in Indonesia and these led to 43 students being arrested. In response, Indonesia reinforced its military rule in West Papua by sending armed troops. In 2022, the spokesmen and representatives of the OPM have expressed their direct support for Russia during its invasion of Ukraine and have even claimed that Russian support for Ukrainian separatist movements (such as in Donetsk or Luhansk) is justified. NOTE: This article will be updated soon.

After the overthrow of Gaddafi in 2011, Libya faced a complete power vacuum as various political groups sought power. After a long-lasting period of instability and political division, the United Nations intervened in Libya and led the initiative to recognise the GNA as Libya’s official and sole legitimate authority. The GNA was formed based on the Libyan Political Agreement signed in December 2015. However and quite evidently, stability and political unity is still missing in post-Gaddafi Libya. The GNA — the government based in Tripoli (West Libya) — is opposed to the Libyan National Army (LNA) based in Tobruk (East Libya). The LNA is led by general Haftar, one of Gaddafi’s main supporters during his rise to power. Due to the opposition between the GNA and LNA, Libya has faced a bi-governance system which has deemed ineffective. In fact, mass riots took place in Tobruk recently as the Libyan population seeks concrete political change. The GNA is supported by the UN as well as other influential nations, such as the US, the UK, Turkey and Iran. However, it faces opposition from other countries such as France, Israel, Russia, and Egypt because of its close affiliation to the Muslim Brotherhood. The GNA’s reputation domestically is consequently also ambiguous and divided. In 2021, the GNA and the LNA have lost significant political power, as yet another political reform has attempted to bring both parties together into the Government of National Unity. Ironically, this group is also not very united and division remains omnipresent. NOTE: This article will be updated soon.

The National Resistance Front of Afghanistan (NRF) (occasionally referred to as the Second Resistance) is a military alliance between former fighters of the Northern Alliance and various other anti-Taliban groups. These groups — all contemporarily allied to the NRF — are loyal to the Islamic Republic of Afghanistan and heavily oppose Taliban rule. The NRF used to have de facto control over the Panjshir Valley (the vast majority of the Panjshir Province). This region was known as the only region within Afghanistan which had not fallen in the hands of the Taliban. In early September 2021, however, the Taliban claimed victory in the Panjshir Province, stating that they had ousted the NRF from it — both politically and militarily. Nonetheless, the NRF continuously denies the Taliban victory and emphasises their continuous presence in the valley. The NRF alliance is the only organized and legitimate resistance to the Taliban in Afghanistan. The anti-Taliban group has shown signs of undergoing a guerrilla struggle. The resistance has repeatedly proclaimed in favour of an inclusive government within Afghanistan and prioritises social justice. Their current primary objective is rumoured to involve recognition and influence within the new Afghan government. NOTE: This article will be updated soon.

On the 23rd of March 2009, the National Congress for the Defence of the People (CNDP) signed a peace accord with the DRC’s government. This agreement legitimised the CNDP as a political party, and the M23 soldiers (which were part of the revolutionary CNDP) integrated into the Armed Forces of the Democratic Republic of the Congo (FARDC). The M23 insurgency gets its name from the date of the peace accords. However, a 2012 peace agreement ousted the M23 from the FARDC and mutiny has ensued. The March 23 Movement is also known as the Congolese Revolutionary Army and is primarily based in the east of the DRC. In fact, the M23 insurgency operates most often in the North Kivu province and even took control of Goma (a city in North Kivu) in 2012. The insurgency group eventually abandoned the city and engaged in peace talks after being suppressed by the DRC’s troops — which were aided by UN troops. After the M23 rebellion in 2012, the insurgency group conducted its 2022 offensive, where it entered North Kivu once again and fought against the FARDC and MONUSCO (UN peacekeepers in the DRC). The controversy behind this insurgency group has resulted from reports revealing that Rwanda is actively supporting, funding, and training the rebels. As Rwanda profits heavily from minerals found in the East of the DRC, its support for the M23 rebels mitigates the control by the national government over these resources. NOTE: This article will be updated soon.

The Andahuaylazo Etnocaceritas were an ultra-nationalist ethnic insurgency group which fought for the resignation of Alejandro Toledo (former Peruvian president). Between the 1st and 4th of January 2005, retired military general Antauro Humala led 150 armed insurgents towards an attempted coup d’état. On the 1st of January 2005, the Andahuaylazos captured the police station in Andahuaylas . The insurgency labelled the government structure as oppressive and undemocratic and it prioritised the enforcement of indigenous rights. The killing of the four officers on the 2nd of January led to the intervention of the Peruvian military and the consequent arrest of Auntaro Humala. This essentially put a stop to the 2005 insurgency. Nonetheless, the Andahuaylazos were heavily supported by the local population of the Andahuaylas and various sub-groups of the Etnocaceritas have been founded since. The 2005 uprising had earned a lot of support from locals, who even joined the insurgents in the streets. The struggle for indigenous rights persists under a similar ideology to that of the Andahuaylazo insurgency. NOTE: This article will be updated soon.

The TPLF is a paramilitary group within Ethiopia which seeks independence for the Tigray region; a northwestern province of Ethiopia. As a socialist ethnic-nationalist insurgency group, the TPLF is composed of around 100,000 fighters. In fact, the TPLF had overthrown the Ethiopian government with the help of the Eritrean People’s Liberation Front (EPLF) in 1991. Until 2018, the TPLF had installed a new government within Ethiopia and was essentially ruling it as a whole. When Eritrean president Afwerki and Ethiopian president Ahmed signed a peace agreement in 2018, the Tigray Region found itself completely isolated on diplomatic terms. Eritrea and Ethiopia blockaded all entry points into the Tigray — including the Sudanese border. This has led to extreme famine, supply scarcity, and a humanitarian crisis within the Tigray. The TPLF — despite being recognised as a terrorist group by Ethiopia — continues its political struggle for self-determination and independence. Its large paramilitary insurgency has taken up arms once again in late 2019 to retaliate against Ethiopian and Eritrean political collusion. Controversially, Ethiopian president Ahmed has earned a Nobel Peace Prize, despite the numerous allegations of war crimes being committed by Ethiopian (and Eritrean) forces. NOTE: This article will be updated soon.

Despite having dissolved as an armed group in 1990, the M-19 guerrilla group of Colombia has regained global attention due to Colombia's recent presidential elections. Gustavo Petro, new Colombian president elect, is a former M-19 fighter who participated in guerrilla activities and even became of its political leaders. The M-19 group finds its origins from an allegedly-fraudulent presidential election on the 19th of April 1970. These allegations suggest that Gustavo Rojas Pinilla was denied an electoral victory. The guerrilla group was primarily nationalist, revolutionary socialist, and was self-proclaimed to be fighting to reinstall peace and democracy within Colombia. With around 2000 active members, the M-19 became the second-largest guerrilla group in Colombia after the FARC. This guerrilla group gained heavy recognition after its theft of Bolivar’s sword (1974) and the Dominican Republic Embassy siege (1980) seen on the first slide. However, its siege of the Colombian Palace of Justice made the M-19 group gain attention worldwide after 35 of its fighters entered the Supreme Court of Colombia and held 300 politicians and lawyers hostage. Interestingly, it is rumoured that this siege was supported and masterminded by Pablo Escobar in order to burn and destroy important evidence which supported his crimes. Other activities orchestrated by the M-19 group involved the murder of politicians and further thefts of arms. As aforementioned, the group gave up arms in 1990 and became a legitimate political party. Although the party lost significant legitimacy over time, Gustavo Petro’s election shows signs of resurgence and a continued legacy of the April 19 movement. Petro is currently affiliated to the Humane Colombia movement and will become Colombia’s first ever leftist president. NOTE: This article will be updated soon.